Es wächst kein Gras in Sektor Drei (John Mayer - Teil 1) (German Edition)

The poems in her programme ranged from a twelfth century hymn to some of the latest works of one of our younger New Zealand poets, Allen Curnow. It is probably unique in the history of Auckland that all seats for a poetry recital should have been sold out days before the event. It can happen here. It did happen here. The audience at the Lewis Eady Hall heard: From onwards she trained a generation of young actors who enriched her ensemble and subsequently emerged as prominent figures in the New Zealand professional theatre and overseas.

To name a few: Many of them testified to her strength and commitment as a drama teacher, and to their personal debt to her, among them Pat Evison who noted in her autobiography: At the time Maria started her studio, there was no professional theatre in Wellington. This counted towards the development of a productive ensemble-quality, and was also reflected in the fact that several of her students founded the first ensemble of professional actors, The New Zealand Players, with Edith Campion as leading actress and Richard Campion as director.

In , the year of her first production, the New Zealand theatre groups proved ready to open up towards a modern concept following the continental example. Maria Dronke herself was ready to answer the challenge of the new situation, bringing enthusiasm and curiosity for new ideas together with intellectual vigour and understanding of how to apply modern culture to the stage. From onwards she directed and performed in about twenty-five plays, embracing a wide range of dramatic works and exploring different styles of staging to suit every particular play: Towards the grand climax the chorus lifted the great audience to fervid feeling in the music of Adeste Fidelis, and, finally, Holy Night, and almost to a response merging them with the players in the finale.

Dronke worked with a wide range of means to capture the audience and embraced simultaneous elements of symbolist and expressionist stagings in an appropriate mixture to suit the play. Then a light shone from on high, revealing the vision of a pathway as from some great temple steps to the heavens … At intervals were heard the voices of an angelic choir from the void Auckland Star Busy People in brown robes, Tired People in grey and mauve, Suffering People in purple, Hopeful People in rose colour, and lantern bearing shepherds in costume.

The requirements of symbolist performance complemented the visual stage. Group movement and gestures co- ordinated with voice modulations, choral singing and speaking conveyed dramatic meaning while conferring a strong, sensuous impression. The play undoubtedly challenged the audience, the reviewers emphasised the strangeness and novelty of the production Auckland Star 10 , yet another event proved its lasting impact. This play was produced for the Religious Drama Society in Wellington by Maria Dronke … I have no hesitation in saying that, for me at any rate, these performances were the outstanding aesthetic experience of the year.

The strength and intensity of her personality was met with surprise and appreciation in the new world where she is still remembered for her inspiring productions and most affectionately, it seems, for her teaching. As part of the group of German-Jewish artists forced into exile and scattered around the world by war and political turmoil she still remains to be discovered in her native country.

Cambridge University Press, , Quotations from German reviews have been translated by the author. Bloom, , Oxford University Press New Zealand, , Interview with Marei Bollinger. A New Zealand Quaterly, September , Sebald and Toby Litt that, at a superficial level, a startling mixture of comparisons and differences indicate in each author innovative attempts to deal with the loss of old worlds and the problems of accepting the new.

Both writers also try to define the textual and conceptual impossibility of history to satisfactorily apprehend the past. One of the immediate and abiding contrasts between the approaches of each writer, however, is the radically different cultural perspective of the narrator protagonists. For Litt, on the other hand, the perspective of the old is rendered abrupt by a much shorter focus: Litt has been writing since Litt often deals with themes of childhood and adolescence, and dwells on the generational process of life.

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Nonetheless, his fiction describes worlds that are not of themselves old——worlds that do not as in the works of W. Sebald rely on history as a thematic narrative force. The extent to which time is relevant for Litt is as a support for narrative and thematic development; his are worlds that subordinate history to a process of maintaining that sense of secession of one generation to another. By doing so his use of time assists in establishing, not so much temporally plausible characters as diachronically plausible narrative trajectories, capable of exploring the themes postulated by often explicit, overly academic preliminary suppositions.

But these narrative trajectories exist within a present that recognises history only as elapsed culture. Sebald and Toby Litt 87 specific to their novel: Henry explains that it is: To use an example: Litt employs a device in FtLH that reminds the reader of the intra-reflexive and representational limitations of published, printed text.

But this is also a disruption in chronological priority that displaces the reader in relation to the events and the narrative of the text: Readers are no longer sure whether to insert themselves prior to, or post the editorial annotations: The effect is one of dislodging a conventional narrative perspective and raising doubt as to the capacity of text to represent the world mimetically. This example leads some way to explaining why I typify Litt as writing from an amnesiac narrative present: A simpler example of this is his splitting of his first book, Adventures in Capitalism, into two sections according to early and late capitalism: Sebald and Toby Litt 89 succumbed to a dialectical synthesis; inherent paradigmatic narrative contradictions and reconceived itself according to a postmodern popular aesthetic.

The past for Litt is an avenue for political and cultural comment.

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Sebald deals with problems of not remembering the past; however, unlike Litt, this is a preoccupation: His fiction might, therefore, be said to accommodate narrative models and character traits that are amnesiac. However, this is a feature of post-modernity that Sebald seeks to criticise. Basing his story on the artist Max Aurach, Sebald describes an ageing Jewish artist from Manchester who lost his family and his formative identity in the Holocaust. The narrator senses that each portrait: Sebald The effect is one of constructing a face as a means of attributing an identity to something unknown or absent: To what extent can his fiction accommodate the present?

My answer to this is twofold and contradictory: Sebald and Toby Litt 91 narrate the yawning chasm separating national and state history,on the one hand, and personal loss, on the other that is beholden to a perspective that despairs of the pre sent and unfailingly——but always unsuccessfully——looks to the past. However, his use of this old-world perspective admits the possibility of the new in ways that closely resemble attempts by Litt to do likewise. The most obvious example is the incorporation of photographic illustrations that question and destabilise the narrative: What Sebald does that Litt does not, is to remind the reader of the underlying necessity of history in the textual construction of identity.

The spectrum I describe——from the realisation of the loss of a representational standard to the flawed exultation of this loss—— approximates to the positions of Sebald and Litt. Accessed 4 December Sebald, The Emigrants trans. A Critical Companion, ed. Samuel and Shierry Weber Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, , Among numerous leishu produced in the Song Dynasty, some were relatively short and on restricted groups of topics, others longer than any which had previously appeared. It took thirteen distinguished scholars eighteen months to bring this project to completion.

These engraved woodblocks, however, were not sent to press immediately. The most authentic and influential of them is the Tan keben [The Tan Woodblock Edition], which was printed by the Ming bibliophile Tan Kai — , who made a close collation against a Song hand-copied text of all the transcripts of TPGJ available to him. TPGJ has long been held in high regard for its preservation of non-official and unorthodox materials, which may otherwise have been lost. They were treated with contempt and carelessness as compared with Confucian classics, and as a result, hardly any of them survived in the original.

The importance of TPGJ in Chinese literature lies not only in the preservation of ancient xiaoshuo writings but also in their classification. With nearly 7, entries included in juan, TPGJ boasts the largest collection of classical Chinese narratives ever seen. Selected from various sources of different periods of time and covering a wide range of subject matter, these entries presented a great challenge to the compilers of TPGJ.

Rather than follow the traditional classificatory system in the bibliographical sections of dynastic history, they drew on earlier leishu and xiaoshuo collections, and developed a theme-and-content-oriented system of classifying the xiaoshuo genre. In this system, it is not schools of thought or stylistic features, nor authorship or dating, but subject matter alone that counts as criteria for entry classification.

Accordingly, TPGJ is first divided into ninety-two major types by subject matter, and under them entries are further divided into more than one hundred and fifty sections with subheadings attached to each section, denoting their specific theme and content. This arrangement of entries marks a great breakthrough in the classification of literary works in the history of Chinese literature.

It not only avoids the problem with the traditional catalogue system confusing stylistic features with subject matters, but also makes it much easier for readers to locate an individual entry. TPGJ is essentially a collection of zhiguai [records about the strange and supernatural] tales, which account for two thirds of the juan text of TPGJ.

The zhiguai entries included in TPGJ cover an extremely extensive range of subject matter, and are arranged into four major groups: Daoism as a religion aims at obtaining the Dao and ascending to Heaven [de dao sheng tian]. Immortals are held in high regard and credited with various supernatural power, and to a Daoist practitioner nothing is more appealing than to live a long and healthy life in this world and eventually to become an immortal free of worldly cares. The Daoist way of life, especially its search for longevity and immortality, had helped it find favour with Chinese emperors ever since the Qin Dynasty.

Daoism was firmly established as the official religion of the imperial court with the support of the royal family of the Tang Dynasty — , who claimed to be descendants of Li Er, better known as Laozi the author of the Daode jing [Classic of the Way and Virtue] and the legendary founder of Daoism.

Due to the great influence and popularity of Daoism, TPGJ devoted the first eighty-six juan, as shown below in Table 1, to accounts of Daoist masters, priests, immortals, and practitioners with focus on their making and taking elixirs of life, exercising breath control and magic arts, going on a special diet for longevity and immortality, or retreating from the madding crowd into remote mountains or deep valleys to live as a hermit on dews and herbs. Sexual union is not only a union of female and male bodies but a union of their minds and souls as well. The only way out of this suffering world is to follow and practice in this life the Buddhist teachings, or Dharma, so as to enter the realm of nirvana, an absolute spiritual state free from incarnation and reincarnation.

Reading and chanting Buddhist sutras is thus part of daily life for Buddhist monks, nuns and practitioners. In addition to Daoism and Buddhism, folk beliefs in wu and guai were also widespread in ancient China. In contrast, entries recognised as zhiren [records about men] and bowu [knowledge-broadening] tales add up to one hundred and twenty- four juan, constituting the remaining one third of this multi-volume xiaoshuo encyclopaedia, as shown in Table 5: Tales about Men and the World Juan No.

In respect of state ideologies and religions, Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism had co-existed with each other since the Eastern Han Dynasty 25— C. As a native religion, Daoism had never lacked believers and followers in imperial China. Confucianism, after a decline during the Six Dynasties, revived and regained its dominant position over other schools of thought in Tang and Song times. Buddhism, although originally a foreign religion from India, had by the end of the Six Dynasties successfully integrated with Chinese culture and been accepted as a domestic religion.

Adherents of the three religions used the tale as a tool to promote their own claims and to expose the pretensions of their rivals in their struggle for support and survival, which gave rise to a persistent prosperity of religious literature in early and early medieval China. The compilation of the juan TPGJ came of the great efforts by Song scholars to collect and classify classical Chinese narratives dating from pre-Qin to early Song times.

Li Fang et al. Shanghai Ancient Literature Publishing House, , 1. Jiangsu Ancient Literature Publishing House, , China Book Company, , China Book Company, , 6. Shanghai Commercial Press, , Juan 3. Jiangsu Book Company , Juan Shanghai Commercial Press, , Juan 2. Houghton Mifflin Company, , A 6-juan text with a total of 37 entries is included in the Dao zang [Daoist Canon], and twenty-seven entries from this book find their way into Juan of the Daoist encyclopaedia Yunji qiqian [The Bookcase of the Clouds with the Seven Labels].

Livia Kohn, Daoism Handbook, ed.

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Brill, , Shanghai Ancient Literature Publishing House, , — The Edwin Mellen Press, , The unusual use of the passive voice in Japanese has an impact on the way of conveying the sense of loss. If we look closely at the events that took place in Japan during the period, we can see that what was lost was not confined to the political and economic arena. Overall confidence in society was also undermined. There was a strong feeling that the fundamental trust in society has been lost. Some thought that the Lost Decade was going to be the lost fifteen years with no light at the end of the tunnel, 3 and many were struggling to predict the future.

As I see it, the big question here is whether and how culture facilitates or blocks, guides or misleads this quest for self. This paper looks at this new practice of Japanese language both in private and public sectors in relation to social changes and efforts to overcome difficulties that the changes brought about. Following that, I look at similar practices in the public sector, and examine specific rhetoric in policy documents showing continuity between public and private sectors in terms of usage. The book became a bestseller because of its eye-catching but simple title and reverse conception of old age.

Traditionally, the Japanese suffix ryoku is combined with one or two kanji Chinese characters , indicating such qualities depending on the combinations of words. In the printing, which is the fifth edition, the total number of words with the suffix increased to One word was deleted and nine words were added, all technical terms. Among the list of words, there was no unusual combination with the suffix, and the word eigo-ryoku English proficiency or competency was not included even though it has been widely used at least for the last twenty years, as will be discussed later in this paper.

Attaching a suffix is one of the grammatical means for creating new words in Japanese. What is new about the roujin-ryoku boom is that it is a language practice using kanji, part of traditional Japanese. This practice creates a sharp contrast with the phenomenon of excessive use of foreign words or loanwords in contemporary Japanese society, which are usually written in katakana, a type of Japanese cursive syllabary.

Both pawaa appu [power-up] and uuman pawaa [woman power] have made entries in Japanese dictionaries. Throughout history, Japanese have borrowed words from foreign languages starting with Chinese, and in contemporary Japanese society English is the dominant source language for loanwords.

The Agency explains that by using the language of a country which the writer believes superior, the writer attempts to create a culturally superior image in his or her writing. The Agency discourages using foreign words that most Japanese people are not familiar with because it makes sentences difficult to understand. English loanwords do not merely add western flavour to the language, and the ways English loanwords are used are quite complex. They are used as part of the communicative strategies of Japanese people to achieve certain goals in communication.

According to Stanlaw, one of the reasons for the use of English words in Japanese is that individuals apparently feel free to use them in creative and highly personal ways. Therefore, the Japanese conception of internationalisation and the motivation for promoting internationalisation both in Japan and the international community were based on the view that Japan and the rest of the world are distinct entities. This view has not changed since the Lost Decade.

As certain language practices can reflect the direction of the nation in the period concerned, it is possible to draw a parallel between the increased tendency to use English loanwords during the promotion of internationalisation and the ryoku boom in the era of globalisation. It looked inward instead. The document stated that if Japan manages to gain world recognition of the positive qualities of its people and society, Japan can work on its problem within the country without subjecting itself to the powerful forces of globalisation.

The new ryoku boom can be seen in the same light in terms of the efforts to regain power once it has been lost. The Meanings of New Vocabulary The new practice of using the suffix ryoku has spread across all possible fields: In particular, it is often used commercially, such as in book titles and advertisements, aiming at an eye-catching effect.

Internet space, which is one of the new media of communication, can be both private and public because of its nature. Many users of personal blogs appear to experiment with the new ryoku words extensively to express their personal views in their own ways. The words are used in such personal ways that they can be understood only by certain audiences in certain contexts.

Because of limited space here, it is not possible to list all words I have found. It can be said, however, that the number of new vocabulary items easily exceeds two hundred. In other words, the possibilities for making new words with -ryoku are endless. The majority of such new words are created by combining kanji nouns with the suffix, e. The new Japanese word focuses on Japanese traditional practices while the English loanword indicates exotic healing devices. The new use of kanji, therefore, suggests a parallel to the inward-looking attitude of the Japanese government to overcoming difficulties in the era of globalisation, as mentioned before.

Apart from the nature of word play, there are some common aspects among these words. If we look at two specific aspects, the vocabulary list can be divided into two groups. One is a group of words where people can easily guess the meanings but not necessarily agree on the same definitions Group A , and another group are words of totally unexpected combination with the suffix, where people can only speculate on the meaning Group B. These words are all about ability or competency. Since there are particular social issues behind those words, it is not possible to understand the meanings without knowledge of current affairs.

The word ijime-ryoku [bullying power] has a different story. When I first found this word in a personal blog on the website, the implications of the word puzzled me. The word daigaku-ryoku [university power] reflects current educational problems, the shortage of students in particular. The word appeared in the advertisement of a private university for prospective students with the message that the university possess power to make a change in the society. As mentioned earlier, a book title is one of the effective ways to spread a new word and its meaning, and usually authors explain or define the new word in their books.

Here the word is a combination of a verb and a noun, not a suffix, and it is not pronounced as ryoku, but uses the same kanji. The word is used with quotation marks in Japanese text and the English translation is not available since the section is not included in the English abbreviated version. These examples of the new practice of ryoku indicate that there is continuity between public and private sectors in terms of the acceptance of the new expression, and both sectors have applied the practice in attempts to restore some kind of vitality to people and society even though the actual meanings are not necessarily clear.

As I mentioned at the beginning, the word is not a new word even though it has not yet made an entry into Japanese dictionaries. English learners in Japan are constantly assessed for their eigo-ryoku as if it is measurable, even though it has never been clearly defined. Many teachers and students do not know how they can gain English ability or how they can improve their ability. According to Yamada, this is because adequate discussions have not been carried out to clarify the definition of the word.

Retrieved 15 September , from http: The survey also shows that among young people there was a change in their attitudes toward employment in a traditional sense. See Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, Heisei 10 nen ban roudou keizai no bunseki [Analysis of labour economy of fiscal year]. Retrieved May 13, , from http: Retrieved February 24, , from hppt: It features both pessimistic and optimistic predictions. Retrieved February 24, from http: University of Hawaii Press, , xv. Retrieved February 18, from http: Language and Culture Contact Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, Iwanani shoten, , fifth edition.

Ookurashou insatsu kyoku, , David Blocks and Deborah Cameron London: Routledge, , 13— M Tuis and James W. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, , The Frontier within, Retrieved February 20, , from http: National Printing Bureau, Retrieved February 2, , from http: The factors examined are: Differences between those who learn a L2 through instruction and those who acquire it informally have been documented by various researchers. For example, Pica 1 compared the production of English grammatical morphology by adult native speakers of Spanish under three conditions of exposure to English: She found that errors of morpheme over suppliance in inappropriate contexts were more prevalent among instruction-only subjects, whereas the naturalistic group tended to omit plural s-endings on nouns.

Shirai and Kurono 2 examined previous studies on the acquisition of English aspect, and concluded that untutored learners tend to overuse progressive marking 3. From the findings mentioned above, we can hypothesise that those who learn a L2 solely through instruction will rely on their grammatical knowledge to judge the grammaticality of a sentence, whereas those who learn a L2 informally will not, as they are less likely to possess explicit grammatical knowledge.

In-country experience is not usually mentioned as a factor influencing the use of these strategies. However, when Kubota, Skoutarides and Peters compared strategies used by Japanese language learners in Japan with those in Australia, they identified differences such as the use of dictionaries, and other language resources. Grammaticality judgement tests are a popular research tool. However, the use of a grammaticality judgement test to measure proficiency is still controversial in terms of reliability and validity.

Aim The aims of this paper are threefold. They are to establish: Grammaticality Judgements in Japanese Participants in this study Data were collected from participants who fall into the following four categories: Two of the participants fell into the first category, two in the second, four in the third, and two in the fourth. Studied at a 1 private language school for 6 years. Studied at a university for four years. Has been to Japan five times for a total of 4 months for holidays since Has been to Japan three times: Total time spent in Japan was 3 and a half months.

Never learned Japanese formally. Total time spent in Japan was 3 years. Married to a Japanese. Total time spent in Japan was 8 years.



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Went to Japan for one year after finishing high school. After coming back to Australia, studied at a university for three years. Then, studied at a university in Japan for one year. Total time spent in Japan was over 2 years. Spent three years studying Japanese at a university in Japan and came to Australia. Went back to Japan to conduct research for two years, then came back to Australia. Majored in Japanese at a university in Australia. Undertook a Japanese language teachers training course in Japan for one year.

Total time spent in Japan was around 4 years. Went to a language school in Japan for 4 months. Undertook a university course in Australia for one semester. Total time spent in Japan was 14 months. Went to a Japanese kindergarten in Japan for 8 months. Went to a full time Japanese primary school in Australia, then went to an Australian secondary school in Australia.

Arno Endler

Total time spent in Japan was around 1 year. Went to a Saturday Japanese school until junior high school while attending an Australian school. Total time spent in Japan was less than 6 months. All except one are university graduates. Materials used in the study The grammaticality judgment test used in this study contains twenty-two dialogues.

It comprises fourteen "-te iru" questions, devised by the author with reference to Koyama's test, 13 and fifteen wa and ga 14 questions, devised by Sakamoto 15 and slightly modified by the author. The participants were judged on a total of twenty- nine grammatical items. Research Procedure The research procedure was as follows.

They were encouraged to say anything that came to mind while processing their judgements. This session was audio-taped. These interviews were also audio-taped. The think-aloud sessions as well as the interviews were transcribed. As a result, the following types of data were obtained. Examples of each category in my data are as follows. Utterances in Japanese are italicised, followed by the English translation in brackets. I do not know how I can explain this. It is extremely difficult to explain, but since I have been using Japanese for a long time, I know this should be ga. OK, I am leaving it.

For some reason for me chigau to omoimashita ga chigaudatta [I thought that I was wrong and I was wrong] probably comes to mind. Because omotte imasu [be thinking] is to use for other people and here this person is talking about what they think themselves. I will be probably looking at the social standings and my own experiences. That would be more like a student saying. But other than that, it seems to me to be OK. I think that one is OK, or maybe Kakyotte imasu [is attending] would be better.

But I think that one is OK, so I will leave that one. I think it is OK. The following table shows the number of times each category was used by each participant. Table 3 lists the results according to the scores on the grammaticality judgment test from participants with lower marks to higher marks. This result was to be expected, as those participants with fewer language resources were more often forced to resort to guesswork. The last factor to analyse is that of the influence of in-country experience on the strategies employed.

All participants had been to Japan for periods ranging from three and a half months to eight years. Table 4 differs from Table 3 in that it has been rearranged according to the length of stay in Japan. However, in terms of exposure to Japanese language, the time they spent in Japan is irrelevant, so their information is omitted from Table 4. It is worth noting that the time the participants spent in Japan does not necessarily correlate to their language proficiency.

Table 4 reveals that there is a clear distinction between those who spent less than two years and those who spent more than two years in Japan. Discussion When the effects of the form of the L2 acquisition were examined, it revealed that three strategies marked the different approaches taken by those who had learned Japanese in untutored settings, and those who had learned it through instruction.

Even though one of them studied Japanese formerly after returning to Australia, she continued to rely on her ear to make grammaticality judgments. This suggests that, like CBs, those who learned Japanese in Japan without prior knowledge of Japanese may be accustomed to relying on the sound of the sentence to make a grammaticality judgement. This requires further investigation. This indicates that people with low proficiency use their L1 to make grammaticality judgements in their L2, whereas those with higher proficiency in their L2 do not. In fact, four participants with high proficiency used Japanese to think aloud, even though they were encouraged to use whichever language was easiest for them.

This suggests that the full effect of in-country experiences only occurs for those who spend more than two years in a country where the target language is spoken. Results from my study affirm this suggestion, as there is a clear distinction between the strategies used by the participants who had spent more than two years in Japan and those who had been there for shorter periods. As we have seen, there is evidence that the form of L2 acquisition, proficiency in the language, and the length of stay in the country where the target language is spoken all affect the process of judging grammaticality.

Conlusion This paper examines, qualitatively, the processes by which English— Japanese bilinguals make grammaticality judgements. It investigates whether or not factors such as the way a person learns a L2, their proficiency in the L2, and the length of their in-country experience influences the way they process grammaticality judgments. Some evidence of the influence of all three factors was found. Due to the small number of participants, the findings of this study are not conclusive.

To some degree the success of this type of study depends on the number of participants. Recruitment of participants who had learnt Japanese in untutored settings was extremely difficult, but it was even more difficult to find participants with high proficiency in Japanese who had learned Japanese without in- country experiences. This study was also limited by the small number of grammatical items being investigated.

In order to confirm the evidence gathered in this study, there is a need for future studies to investigate a wider range of grammatical items, drawing on a larger pool of participants. Blackwell Publishers, , — Communities, cultures, critiques Vol. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publisher, , — Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publisher, —5. Oxford University Press, , SFL views language as a system, that is, a resource that allows us to create meanings through choices e.

Such an analysis makes an important contribution to our understanding of how candidates may be successful or not at their job interviews and be offered the position for which they are applying. Three posts also involved postgraduate research at a host university in France. One candidate was a native speaker of French, whereas three candidates were native speakers of English. Each interview was conducted by one or two interviewers. All four interviews involved an interviewer who was a native speaker of French. Three interviews involved a second interviewer who was a native speaker of English.

Lastly, two interviews were held in French only, while two interviews were held in French and English. The total duration of the interviews is 1h and 23 min see Table 1. All the interviews were audio-taped and video-recorded. The language of the interviews was then analysed using SFL theory. Interview context and participants A theoretical framework for analysing attitudes Analyses of expressions of attitude draw on Appraisal theory.

System of Attitude The system of attitude concerns both positive evaluations as shown in examples 1, and 7 taken from the interview data and negative ones as in 2 and 6. Note that each category of attitude includes various subcategories introduced hereafter as required. Lastly, attitudes are gradable, so they can be amplified as underlined below or, on the contrary, downgraded.

Most attitudes expressed were positive eighty-three vs. This reflects advice from the popular literature that candidates be positive in job interviews, since this might be taken as an indication of their behaviour as employees. Oui, je veux bien la croire a priori. Not all the candidates use these terms …. Yes, I really want to believe her. She shows dissatisfaction through inscribed Attitude, specifically negative Appreciation and negative Affect. Her dissatisfaction is reinforced through multiple instances of Graduation underlined in the text. Demonstrations of Confidence vs.

The overtones which the word emotional has acquired in English are a good illustration of the disapproval of public display of emotions, characteristic of Anglo-Saxon culture. Statements of Capability vs. Incapability Twenty percent of all attitudes expressed were judgements. This contributed to establishing professional co-membership with her interviewers. It deals with her ability in French language. Then, although she says that she is quite comfortable with reading French, she admits her difficulty with writing—a negative Judgement compounded by an intensifier. Mouton de Gruyter, , —35; John J.

Paul Drew and John Heritage Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , — Authorial Stance and the Construction of Discourse, ed. Susan Hunston and Geoff Thompson Oxford: Oxford University Press, , — Names of institutions have also been omitted. John Benjamins, , 1—27; J. Martin and David Rose, Working with Discourse: Meaning beyond the Clause London, New York: Continuum, ; J.

White, The Language of Evaluation: Appraisal in English New York: A Functional Perspective, ed. Australian and New Zealand Edition Warriewood: Hungry Minds Pty Ltd, Their answers, as quoted in this paper, do not call their skills or abilities into question in any way. Jordens, Reading Spoken Stories for Values: Mouton de Gruyter, , 53—4.

I look at this change through work by two scholars, Thomas 1 and Blamires. Literary bilingualism also implies widespread social acceptance. The traditional learning of French in England, and, indeed, Australia, is probably a good example of literary bilingualism. Blamires makes a similar distinction as regards the position of German in England in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. He suggests that during the seventeenth century, German was more or less a utility language, learnt haphazardly, but by the s German had grown to a language of culture, learnt because of its prestige.

This he connects intimately with the new presence of the House of Hanover on the English throne. I expand this definition further to encompass the idea that vernacular bilingualism implies a high level of oral skills, not necessarily written skills, whereas literary bilingualism implies not only rule-based, formal learning, but also application of the language in cultural matters, such as the reading of literature 3. In many regards, I agree with Blamires. I agree that Aedler published this grammar during the period that German was subject to vernacular bilingualism, and its publication, I argue, was a legitimation strategy for the German language in England, as in the eyes of its author, it had yet to prove to the English that it was a language capable of standardisation and polish.

While Blamires suggests the s as a turning point in the public view of German , this time of critical mass is not exactly mirrored in the books people used to learn German. There is, for example, no explosion of text books at this time. We know that there was a definite demand, possibly a small one, for skills in German from the s onwards; evidence of small classes of learners by Benedictus Beiler, the author of two editions of a German grammar and , 4 appears from , earlier than Blamires suggests.

Beiler did indeed teach a small number of private scholars through his work first as teacher at the German School in London and then as Clerk of the German Church in Trinity Lane Beiler, 2nd ed. There is otherwise no special change in the texts until the s, which is then a decisive change in how the language is taught, and then again another change about , when who is taught, why they are taught, and what they are taught alters significantly.

This critical mass might be measured in other ways, perhaps in terms of the number or scope of translations from German to English, but it is not evident from the textbooks. This essay looks at trends across seventeen textbooks between and Appendix I for signs of a change in status of German from utility language to language of culture, and otherwise looks at the way the works do change.

Topics considered will be the variety of German recommended, the approach to literary and cultural matters, any connection to Royalty, as this is suggested by Blamires to be a factor in the change of status; and the target readership. Through this it is hoped to be able to make some statements regarding if and how the notion of literary bilingualism in German gained ground in England. The Variety of German Represented German from the s was presented to the English as an evolved language, capable of standardisation. Therefore, the variety of German was selected and presented by the teacher, or the textbook author, as the best version to learn, the most prestigious amongst German speakers.

As such, it is an assumed part of the standard language that a, or the, prestige variety will be presented. In the s the grammarian Schottelius — , the official appointee of the House of Brunswick-Luneburg, conceptualised an ideal German that stood above the dialects. By 8 , learners are urged not to listen to regional pronunciations, but to copy the works of good authors——in other words, to use written guidelines for pronunciation, and draw vocabulary from credible sources.

Upper Saxony , is still being endorsed by Albrecht 9. However, in , both Noehden 26 and Crabb 11 start to rhyme A with ah and father and aunt, again signalling the beginning of an acceptance by Anglo-German grammarians of a pronunciation according to a different, probably North German, prestige variety.

In this, the House of Hannover in England seems to play no part, as grammarians are oriented not towards the little German island in Britain as a yardstick, but towards greater Germany. Although Bachmair 12 joins the others in rhyming A with all, he is somewhat exceptional in that he presents some vocabulary which can be identified as south-western German——die Kukumer for cucumber and die Erdapfel for potato, and the use of die Pomeranze for orange, which also suggests a more southern orientation. Some grammarians do show dialectal features; some, like Aedler 57 and Offelen, 13 deliberately point out alternating genders of certain nouns according to the dialect, but do not specify these dialects.

Although this is a significant change in the nature of the matter presented, the change in prestige variety is not a change which affects the perceived status of the language; in other words, it would not have acted as a motor for the learning of German, nor would it have made German seem more a language of culture for an English learner. Nevertheless the shape of what was being taught did change. The Literary Canon Far harder to summarise is the approach to literature, which is not as unified as the approach to a prestige variety.

Of the earliest works, Aedler encourages neither reading nor speaking, through the presence only of rules in his compact, slim volume. But Offelen and Gonzaga 14 rely both on rules and dialogue, but offer little in the way of longer reading practice. He continues this with a similar, longer list in the third edition in Nachtigal, Schink, Jonathan Swift, M. Noehden also uses examples by the contemporary writers Wieland — , Herder — , Goethe — and Schiller — Crabb does not use any attributed literature but instead has reading and translation passages for practice.

So even the earliest eighteenth century grammars suggest the learner use plays and prose as part of their learning, but it is not until the s that German is deliberately portrayed as a literary language—— again another legitimation strategy——and from there grammarians earnestly aim to have learners read recognised German poets and playwrights. Royalty As mentioned above, Blamires sees German Royalty as having given the impetus to the study of German and for changing its status. Royal dedications were not uncommon in the seventeenth and early eighteenth century, indicating a desire for patronage, and do not prove in themselves any impetus or stimulation on the part of Royalty.

But ultimately, did the factor of Royalty matter? It is suggested that it did: Wendeborn, who was also aware of the factor of prestige, calls for royal backing as well. German is literate, scholarly, royal. Crabb and Render 18 likely present a completely new perspective in teaching. It is most probable that all the other grammars we have seen are for the purpose of adult learners——there are dialogues to do with drinking, smoking and general adult pursuits, some of which i.

Beiler, Bachmair and Albrecht focus on the merchant. Offelen has a slightly politico-legal bent in the information he supplies, and nearly all grammarians presuppose learning for the purpose of travel and genuine contact. The work The true guide even focuses on teaching learners to talk to German visitors to England.

However, Crabb aims his work explicitly at the young learner, and very possibly the school market, without the notion of travel entering into the picture at all. After the model of contemporary French teaching texts, he divides the skills of composition, reading and conversation into separate works, the last of which does not even significantly make use of dialogues.

Render, likewise, writing for university students, places great emphasis not on the use of dialogues, but on the application of intellect to internalising rules; dialogues he classifies as superfluous. Both are abstracted from any contact with Germans or German culture, and the intellectual exercise seems an end to itself. So, to summarise, there is a definite upturn in the learning of German for prestigious utilitarian purposes in the s, and perhaps a kick-on effect in learning at a similar time, but not until the s is German explicitly presented as a literary language which should be high status, like French.

From this time, original, attributed literature is a part of the teaching strategy of grammarians at least until The High Dutch grammer. Gedruckt und verlegt durch Thomas von Wiering Eighteenth-Century Texts Beiler, Benedictus. A new German grammar To which are added several useful and familiar dialogues.

The second edition, with large additions and emendations. Together with a description of the city of London, A complete German grammar. The third edition, greatly altered and improved. First edition Wendeborn, Gebhardt Friedrich August. The elements of German grammar.

A short grammar of the German tongue. An introduction to German grammar The third edition with additions and improvements. Printed for the Author. A concise grammar of the German language. German grammar adapted to the use of Englishmen. To which is affixed, a dictionary. Printed for the author, by C.

An easy and entertaining selection of German prose and poetry. With a small dictionary, and other aids for translating. Whittingham and sold by J. A concise practical grammar of the German tongue. Goethe Klopstock Hagedorn Lessing G. Hermes Mensch, der Kleist Miller, Joh. Moses Mendelsohn Reimarus H. London and New York: Peter Lang, , p. The Author, , p. Helmut de Boor et al.

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Nourse, , pp. Hoffmann, , pp. Keith et al, The first edition was not available to me. Thomas von Wiering und Zacharias Herteln, There are significant changes between his first and third grammar and doubtless viewing this second grammar would be an advantage. A Collection of Methods edited by Naomi Quinn. Specifically, the former is disseminated through exact replications i.

As a case study, I concentrate upon how three diasporic Japanese narrate their personal life experiences in interviews conducted in the United States. The major findings of the analysis can be summarised as follows: In so doing, they discursively constructed unsuccessful or struggling selves in the past, while contrastively constructing successful selves, who are spatio-temporally closer to the present story-telling self.

What is the problem? Specifically, Briggs argues, research interviews are predominantly conducted in marginalised populations with asymmetric power relations between researcher and researched. While recognising the danger, we should not abandon interviewing as a research method, as Briggs argues. It should also be noted that the shift of focus from the settings to the circulation of discourse is inspired by the work of Foucault and Bourdieu, among others, whose concerns are with power and inequality in modern institutions in late or post-modernity.

How do we know that a particular metadiscursive frame is operating in a given interaction? How do we know that a particular metadiscursive frame is widely circulating in society? I will provide tentative answers to these questions while analysing narratives which were taken from research interviews between three diasporic Japanese participants and this author serving also as the interviewer in the United States.

In order to analyse the data, however, I need a theoretical lens through which to look at them, and my theoretical background is presented in the next section. Theoretical Background My theoretical background for data analysis mainly derives from two traditions: However, my concern is much broader——to investigate how power and inequality are re produced in and through discourse in late modernity.

The presuppositions may be reflexively related to metaculture if there are systematic patterns in metadiscursive framing across the participants. In the analysis, I look at two major points, both general and specific. Among them, I make special reference to lexical choice or collocation patterns of verbs with personal pronouns, verb tense and aspect. In addition, I interviewed one more participant Yoko during the final phase of the project. They all had the experience of studying Japanese as a heritage language.

Though the names are pseudonyms, Yoko had a Japanese family name as did Shoko, while Marco had an Italian first name and a Japanese family name.

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Shoko and Yoko were around 20 years old, and Marco around 30 years old. This author as the researcher, born and brought up in Japan, was in his thirties and had lived in the United States for about five to six years when the interviews were conducted. All of the participants were recruited on a voluntary basis using my personal networks in a college community located in the southeast of the United States. Their profiles are summarized in Table 1 below. I am aware that the representation of Marco is particularly problematic: So then we we we uh moved to where our grandparents lived for a couple of years until we built a house in uh Kanagawa.

I analyse I-statements in the segment that follows: Um, and then my English progressed a: I was scared 4: Finding Ideology in Narrative Table 3: However, the problem is logically resolvable if she acquires the knowledge of English. In fact, at line 20, it is resolved in Shoko narrating: Now, I turn to the latter half of her schooling experience in the United States: I made lots of friends 1: In other words, the indexical cues analysed above collectively presuppose each other to frame her telling narrative as a particular kind of event.

What kind of event is it? What is going on in the interview? I was born in Atlanta Georgia?. As I did in the above, I analyze I-statements for the lines I got into [X university] 1: If I am right in positing the aforementioned metadiscursive pattern in the local context, now I should ask how widely it is circulating in society. However, for the purposes of the present study, which is an inductive and hypothesis-generating qualitative study, 42 I turn to another study of autobiographical narrative collected in the United States and analysed by Wortham 43 to see whether similar patterning is operating.

More specifically, Wortham 46 analyses a research interview between Jane in her mid-fifties and a psychology graduate student in the United States, and found that Jane recurrently represented and enacted herself from passive and vulnerable self to active and assertive self in the interview. As can be seen below, passive and vulnerable self is represented by non-agentive grammatical constructions while agentive self is represented and enacted by action verbs.

Now a crucial question that should be asked is: Can it be argued that the same metadiscourse is operating in all the interactions? Discussion and Implications By way of summarising the major findings of the study and at the same time raising crucial issues for discussion, I restate the research questions and briefly answer them. The first question was: The second question was: However, I acknowledge two problems: Finally, the third research question was: However, a question remains: What remains to be seen, however, is exactly how to implement HLE, which needs to be explored and developed further in theory and practice.

However, I argue that listening to the voices of heritage language learners is an indispensable first step if we wish to implement more effective and empowering language education, which needs to be at least relevant to their life experiences. I wish to express my sincere gratitude to Alan Ramsey of the Australian National University, who provided many insightful comments, constructive criticisms, and editorial suggestions for an earlier version. I also thank an anonymous reviewer, who encouraged me to reflect on the linguistic peculiarity of the pronoun I.

A Collection of Methods New York: In particular, see Jane H. How Culture Moves through the World Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, Teachers College Press, Keith Sawyer Greenwich, CT: Ablex, , — Gubrium and James A. Sage, , — Cambridge University Press, , 2. Routledge, as two representative foundational works. University of Chicago Press, Polity, , 63— University of Texas Press, Cornell University Press, , 3. A Collection of Methods, ed. Books In This Series 5 Books.

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