Figurative Language in the Ancient Near East
One of the implications of this perspective is that ANE art should be studied on its own terms by using a full array of analytical tools, including well-established art historical principles, careful archaeological evaluation, and thoughtful reflection on visual theory. As a result of these developments in how scholars understand image-text congruence and image-text correlation, the biblical iconographic method has been able to more precisely characterize the relationship between ANE art and the Hebrew Bible.
Second, biblical scholars are now increasingly utilizing ANE iconography, especially in the form of the minor arts, as a primary resource for reconstructing the history of Israelite religion. In fact, some scholars have gone so far as to describe "text-alone" approaches to religio-historical research as working with a puzzle that is missing many of its pieces.
From this vantage point, images constitute a valuable witness to the past, especially since they provide evidence of ideas or practices that are not explicitly mentioned in the Hebrew Bible. As vehicles of communication, images function as a type of "guide fossil" for how ancient Israelites conceptualized the divine and negotiated other aspects of religious experience.
One of the most important investigations of the role of images in Israelite religion is found in Othmar Keel and Christoph Uehlinger's Gods, Goddesses, and Images of God []. In addition to cataloguing prominent trends in glyptic materials, Keel and Uehlinger address how information gleaned from ancient art can further inform our understanding of various aspects of Israelite religion, including the development of monotheism, the presence of the goddess, the emergence of the image-ban, and the role of solar imagery and the asherah in Israelite worship.
The next two sections more explicitly address two important—and somewhat controversial—topics involving the intersection of images and Israelite religion. Based primarily on texts in the Hebrew Bible that ban the production and use of divine images cf. Yet how exactly do scholars define aniconism and to what extent does this concept accurately characterize the nature of Israelite religion? In certain instances, aniconism is used in a general sense to refer to a culture or religion that lacks visual imagery entirely.
When applied to Israelite religion, this definition implies that the Second Commandment and other image-ban texts restrict all artistic production among the Israelite people, and later, early Jewish and Christian communities. This perspective is evident as early as the writings of the Roman historian Tacitus in the 1st century CE and has persisted in many academic circles until quite recently.
However prominent this understanding of aniconism has been, art historian David Freedberg claims that it is based on "a deep and persistent historiographic myth" that runs counter to what is known from both history and experience Freedberg: Freedberg demonstrates that even monotheistic religions, such as Judaism and Christianity, make use of certain types of visual materials.
This is certainly true of Israelite religion as well. The archaeological record of Syria-Palestine makes it clear that images were used as a vehicle of communication in ancient Israel and that visual objects were often incorporated into various aspects of religious experience. For instance, the temple was adorned with ornate columns, latticework, precious metals, floral designs, and animal figures.
The cherubim throne , an ark, a golden menorah , an altar, the table for the bread of Presence, basins, bowls, and various other instruments could be found within the walls of the sanctuary. The priests wore elaborately embroidered garments and the prophets describe spectacular visions of the deity and perform dramatic symbolic acts in public view.
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Thus, however the image-ban is defined and whenever it first emerged, many aspects of Israelite religion continued to be experienced with the eyes and absorbed through the senses. In light of these observations, it is best to understand Israel's aniconic tradition as only pertaining to certain types of images, not the visual arts more broadly.
Mettinger defines aniconism in a way that attempts to delineate between acceptable and unacceptable ways of depicting the deity. Specifically, Mettinger claims that aniconism refers to a type of religion in which there are no iconic representations of the deity. Drawing on the semiotic theory of Charles Sanders Peirce, Mettinger describes an iconic representation as one that aims to capture, or copy, the deity's appearance in a naturalistic fashion, typically in anthropomorphic form.
Images that are not iconic i.
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These latter types of images typically take the form of either indexical signs that indicate their referent through causal associations or metonymic extensions i. In Mettinger's estimation, these latter two types of images were permitted in most stages of Israelite history. Put simply, Israelite aniconism is as much about the presence of some types of images as it is about the absence of others.
However, even this narrower definition of aniconism requires further qualification if it is to accurately describe the nature of Israelite worship. For one, Israel's aniconic tradition most likely developed over time, progressing from a nonexclusive preference for aniconic representations of Yahweh in the pre-exilic period what Mettinger calls " de facto aniconism" to more explicit strictures that demanded an imageless cult in the exilic or postexilic period i. As a result, Israelite religion was never essentially or exclusively aniconic from a diachronic perspective.
In addition, aniconic tendencies are not necessarily a unique characteristic of Israelite religion. Comparative research reveals that during certain time periods other East and West Semitic religious traditions relied on indexical and conventional signs to represent their gods.
Thus, while Israel's predilection for aniconic images of their deity is certainly pronounced, it is not completely without precedent in the ancient world. Furthermore, it is important to note that aniconic preferences in certain forms of art do not always directly correlate with cultic practices. For instance, even though ancient Israel shows a clear preference for nonanthropomorphic imagery in glyptic engraved materials throughout much of the Iron Age , a variety of anthropomorphic objects, such as metal statuary and terracotta figurines, continued to be produced and used during this same time period.
Since these latter objects are more likely to reflect developments in the cultic sphere, it is possible that ancient Israelites utilized iconic objects in religious practices even as they preferred aniconic depictions on seals and amulets. A similar phenomenon occurred in Iron Age Mesopotamia, where conventional symbols were widely used to represent deities on seals, standing stones, and wall reliefs while anthropomorphic cult statues continued to play a central role in the context of temple worship.
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Finally, even though iconic and aniconic images signify in different ways, it should be emphasized that aniconic art objects are no less material—and indeed no less visual—than iconic ones. Thus, no matter how the image-ban was understood, Israelite religion was never solely dependent on words and creeds.
Rather, as is the case in many contemporary contexts, religion in ancient Israel was routinely expressed and mediated through images and visual culture. Arguably the most debated issue in the study of Israelite religion is whether or perhaps when ancient Israel had images of Yahweh. Numerous studies have attempted to evaluate both direct and indirect evidence for the existence of Yahweh's image during the pre-monarchic, monarchic, and even postexilic periods.
While space prohibits an extensive review of even the most widely discussed evidence for Yahweh's image, it will be instructive to highlight several potentially compelling candidates in the search process.
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The search for Yahweh's image traditionally has entailed the close analysis of diverse artifacts from Iron Age Syria-Palestine. While many of these objects seem to have played an important role in the cultic sphere and at least a few of them are thought to be closely associated with the deity, it is not possible to establish that any of these objects were originally meant to depict Yahweh. One side of this object, which is known as Pithos A figure 6 , features two central figures, presumably a male and a female, flanked to the right by a figure playing the harp.
A Hebrew inscription overlaps with the upper portion of the larger figure's headdress and reads in part "Yahweh of Samaria and his Asherah. As tantalizing as this possibility is, art historical and iconographic considerations suggest otherwise. Not only do many scholars agree that the two central creatures are best identified as Bes-like figures, but they also suggest that the image and inscription should be disassociated from one another since the latter was likely added at some later time.
Although Uehlinger is optimistic that this artifact might represent what Pithos A from Kuntillet 'Ajrud does not—an 8th century depiction of Yahweh and his Asherah—the damaged condition and overall lack of detail of this artifact makes it difficult to draw any firm conclusions. In addition, ambiguities regarding certain objects' original function can further complicate the search for Yahweh's image.
As one example, even though some ANE deities could be shown in theriomorphic form, it is possible that the animal figurines found in the archaeological record of Syria-Palestine were not utilized as images of Yahweh, but rather were presented to Yahweh as a votive offering or alternatively functioned as pedestals for the invisible deity i. For all of these reasons, the material evidence for the existence of divine images in pre-exilic Israel is promising, but ultimately inconclusive from a strictly iconographic perspective.
Nevertheless, this observation does not by itself prove that ancient Israel lacked divine images. In fact, in other ANE cultures, divine statues, which were often made from precious metals, were often the target of theft and looting and thus are only infrequently attested in the archaeological record.
If a similar situation obtained in ancient Israel, then the absence of archaeological evidence of Yahweh's image should not necessarily be seen as evidence of its historical absence. In fact, some biblical scholars have attempted to infer the existence of Israelite divine images apart from concrete archaeological data.
For instance, Karel van der Toorn reasons that while in Deuteronomy the ark is consistently described as a box which contains the covenant tablets Deut Likewise, some scholars have suggested that the holy of holies in the Second Temple was not, as Josephus suggests War 5. Though intriguing, these two suggestions remain largely unsubstantiated.
Much of the same can be said of Herbert Niehr's view that certain expressions in the Hebrew Bible, such as references to seeing Yahweh's face, the procession of God into the sanctuary, and the enthronement of the deity in the temple, are most naturally understood as implying the existence of Yahweh's cult statue in ancient Israel Niehr in van der Toorn: It is not necessarily the case that anthropomorphic language about God implies the existence of an anthropomorphic cult statuary.
Still others have looked to Assyrian royal inscriptions and palace wall-reliefs for indirect evidence that the Israelites had divine images of Yahweh. In both written and pictorial accounts of Neo-Assyrian military campaigns, references are made to soldiers removing cult statuary as booty from Syro-Palestinian cities. Though it is certainly plausible that these materials bear witness to the existence of anthropomorphic divine images in Israel, one cannot fully rule out the possibility that the capture of cult statues was a stock element in the iconography of Assyrian conquest or a literary topos in Assyrian royal inscriptions.
Thus, while ANE sources are surely important in the study of Israelite religion, even these materials do not provide decisive evidence for the existence of Yahweh's image. Even though there is no definitive archaeological or iconographic evidence for the existence of Yahweh's image in ancient Israel, there is still some reason to believe that ancient Israelites encountered Yahweh in and through the visual arts. This possibility comes into view when one considers not only what ancient images looked like but also how they were responded to in certain situations.
For instance, while few contemporary scholars would classify the ark as an image of Yahweh, it is nevertheless the case that ancient viewers often treated this object as a functional equivalent of a divine image. This is especially evident in 1 Samuel 4—6 where the ark seems to manifest the presence and power of Yahweh during the on-going conflict between the Israelites and the Philistines.
In other texts in the Hebrew Bible, the ark appears to be an extension of Yahweh's essence or agency: In these and other cases, the ark functions in many of the same ways as anthropomorphic divine images in other ANE cultures. This example demonstrates that an object's appearance does not necessarily tell the whole story about how it was thought to relate to the deity.
As a result, determining whether or not a given object qualifies as an image of Yahweh not only entails iconographic and archaeological analyses, but also careful attention to how those objects were responded to and put to use by ancient viewers. Subscriber Services Contact Us Help.
Images and the Image-Ban in the Hebrew Bible and Israelite Religion Ryan Bonfiglio Emory University Introduction The study of the Hebrew Bible and Israelite Religion has traditionally focused on the interpretation of written materials, whether in the form of ancient inscriptions, historical records, or Scripture itself. The following outline organizes the major issues covered in this thematic guide: Images in the Ancient World a.
Types of Images b. Use in Worship c. Images as Media 2. Images and the Image-Ban in the Hebrew Bible a. Overview of Terms and Perspectives b. Idol Parodies in Prophetic Literature 3. Images and the Study of Israelite Religion a. Israel's Aniconic Tradition c. The Search for Yahweh's Image 4. Resources for Further Research 1. Images in the Ancient World Before turning to specific questions about images in the Hebrew Bible and Israelite religion, it will be necessary to provide some background information concerning the role, importance, and function of visual materials in the ancient world more broadly.
Types of Images By far the most abundant type of image found in the archaeological record of Syria-Palestine and the rest of the ancient Near East are seal impressions. A bronze cast of a Hebrew seal. The original, which is now lost, was found at Megiddo and dates to the 8th century BCE. The seal was approximately 3 cm [1.
King Ashurnasirpal hunting lions, a lion leaping at the king's chariot. Representation of Nabonidus r. Cyrus the Great r.
Winged bull with a human head, guardian figure from the gate of the palace of Sargon II. Dated to the second half of the 8th century BCE. A silver-plated bronze bull about 10 cm [4 in] high with a pottery shrine. Found in the city of Ashkelon, 16th c. Use in Worship Divine images played a central role in the religious life and experience of most ANE cultures.
Images as Media While there is some evidence from Mesopotamian texts that ancient viewers contemplated certain aspects of an image's artistic design, craftsmanship, and beauty, ANE cultures did not have a clearly defined sense of the "fine arts" or even the creation of art "for art's sake. Images and the Image-Ban in the Hebrew Bible In contrast to most ancient Near Eastern religious and historical sources, the Hebrew Bible maintains a rather skeptical view of divine visual representations. Overview of Terms and Perspectives The Hebrew Bible uses a variety of different terms to refer to images.
Idol Parodies in Prophetic Literature Within prophetic literature, Jeremiah and Second Isaiah are well known for their polemical critique of idols cf. Images and the Study of Israelite Religion Whether it is through the analysis of a large corpus of images, a certain pictorial motif, or even an individual art object, an increasing number of biblical scholars are integrating visual evidence into various aspects of religio-historical research. Biblical Iconography Since the early s a network of scholars in both Europe and North American have begun to develop a method of study known as "biblical iconography.
He is not saying the same thing in three different ways. He has a schematic arrangement, but that does not mean that he has thrown chronology to the winds. Why, then, must we conclude that, merely because of a schematic arrangement, Moses has disposed of chronology? Additionally, we should not be surprised if the sovereign Creator and providential ruler of the world has chosen to embed factual, historical accounts with symbolic meaning.
The Sabbath is a creation ordinance, yet has tremendous eschatological and typological significance Heb. Likewise, marriage is a natural ordinance but is also typological of Christ and the Church Eph. Many historical accounts of the kings, patriarchs, and prophets literally happened, but they also represent things that occurred later, in time, with Christ. While some in the patristic and medieval Church would fit this into their quadriga , fourfold pattern of exegesis, the Reformation realigned with the hermeneutical approach of the Antiochian school to view the literal, grammatical, historical sense as primary and other senses, secondary.
We deny that Genesis is unclear, but sound exegesis of the New Testament citations of Genesis will help us to see even more clearly that it should be interpreted literally and historically. Hubert Thomas wrote a booklet examining fifty three New Testament citations of Genesis , in which he states:. These three points confirm that the New Testament can in no case whatsoever be appealed to in order to sustain any sort of evolutionary theory.
It is no different than the historical death of the Lord Jesus Christ on Golgotha. As far as the New Testament is concerned, creation ex-nihilo and the creation of Adam and Eve, Cain and Abel, Noah and the Flood, there is no legend and no parable; all deal with persons and events of historical and universal significance. Creation took place; it was accomplished. Events occurred which corrupted the world, and now it awaits a new creation which will take place in the future at a given moment. The New Testament doctrine based upon these citations would be without validity and even erroneous if the primeval events were not historically true.
If Adam were not the head of the whole human race, then Jesus Christ [the last Adam] is not head of the new creation. Not only is there no conclusive evidence that ancient Near East societies read their narratives non-literally, there is also no evidence that the Holy Spirit intended Genesis to be interpreted that way.
Scripture does not borrow from, nor share in, pagan symbolism. Thus it is reasonable to take Gen. John Collins, Reading Genesis An Evangelical Conversation, p. Part 2 ; citing W. Weeks elaborates on this point here: Reeves, in Theistic Evolution: A Scientific, Philosophical, and Theological Critique , pp.
Responding to New Challenges to Biblical Authority , p. Young, Studies in Genesis One. Vos, Genesis , p. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament , p. It is clear, at least to me, that material origins were of utmost importance to the ancient Egyptians in their literature. The beginning of physical objects in the universe is a distinct aspect of the various creation accounts.
A Scientific, Philosophical, and Theological Critique, p. David Livingston argues that many ANE creation myths do not actually address creation of the physical world per se , rather they are purposely fictitious and intended as an opiate of the masses to persuade their people that a certain god has validated the rise of certain political leaders, he writes:. On the other hand, precisely the opposite is true with the factual history recorded beginning with Genesis 1. A Scientific, Philosophical, and Theological Critique. John Currid gives an example of a schematic form used in Joshua We affirm that there is but one true, proper, and genuine sense of scripture, arising from the words rightly understood, which we call the literal: Select All Clear All Save to: Your list has reached the maximum number of items.
Please create a new list with a new name; move some items to a new or existing list; or delete some items. Figurative Language in the Ancient Near East. Figurative language in the ancient Near East. Figurative language in the Ancient Near East. Figurative language in the ancient Near East: School of Oriental and African Studies.