Italy today 2010. Social picture and trends (Italian Edition)
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In this sense, Italy represents an extreme case, since even highly skilled young workers, though usually over the age threshold of the youth unemployment rate Nevertheless, understanding this phenomenon and its political consequences sheds light on what other OECD countries might face in the near future.
As one of the fastest-ageing societies in the world, with an economy and a political system inaccessible to its young people, Italy has all the makings of a gerontocracy.
According to a study by Luiss University, half of the country's top business leaders and political officials are 60 or older. Two million in the same age range were classified as neets not in employment, education, or training.
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The system is slowly cracking, and Italian youth risk becoming the first generation in modern history that is worse off than its predecessors. Even if the country is still far from the radical impulses of , Italy's lockout of its young people sets the stage for a generational revolt. Over the last 30 years, Italy has fallen into an old-age trap — a self-reinforcing mechanism whereby rent-seekers old people have used control of the political system to prevent new generations the most dynamic and innovative part of the population from getting a slice of the pie.
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Young people used to believe that, once old and with access to power, their own welfare would be at least as high as that of previous generations. Instead, the gerontocracy has simply realised older generations' dreams of equity and social security at the expense of today's youth, who have been shouldered with a crushing burden of public debt.
Lavish favours, demographic trends and the absence of serious family policies guaranteed the demise of the social contract now under threat. First, high levels of debt will limit both welfare benefits and future governments' ability to swap favours for votes. The figures are important to understand the disenchantment with politics and the rise of anti-establishment parties and, although the focus here is on Italy, the same can be said of all southern European countries.
What is specific to the Italian case, and not reflected in the graphs, is the parallel disappointment with the functioning of legal institutions, such as courts and other administrative bodies. Adding the historical problem of the mafia into the equation, what has emerged is an enormous sense of frustration with democracy itself.
This is even more visible in the south of the country, which is further afflicted by an endemic economic malaise.
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In particular, trust in political parties in Italy is very low, making competition difficult for the mainstream political parties. This sense of frustration partly explains the rise of the Movimiento 5 Stelle as the most-powerful anti-establishment political party in the country. The numbers help understand the Eurosceptic discourse now adopted by political parties. Although these trust-related indicators have been very similar in all southern European countries, their impact on political parties and party systems have not been the same.
For this reason, it is important to have a look at the history of electoral dynamics in Italy, which helps understand the results even better. The severe austerity measures enforced by the technocrat Monti led to mass protests similar to those occurring in other parts of Europe.
Finally, elections were called for with Italians returning to the polls to elect a new Prime Minister. Before looking at the actual results, it is important to comment on the background of the political party that gained the highest percentage of votes. Disaffected voters frequently turn against the existing mainstream political parties and support independents or anti-parties, such as the Movimento Cinque Stelle M5S , founded in October by the popular comedian and blogger Beppe Grillo.
M5S rejects ideological labels and claims to be neither on the left nor on the right. It advocates direct democracy on the grounds that the state has become disengaged from its citizens, supporting free Internet access and online participation in public meetings to make debate accessible to all as an alternative to representative democracy. The two traditional parties had gained Thus, the importance of ideological considerations might have become a secondary consideration when voters evaluated their choices, which might have helped M5S since it distanced itself from both ideological labels Vegetti et al.
According to the polls, M5S was to be the most voted single party, bearing in mind also that both left and right competed as part of blocs. What is surprising is the difference between the first and second most voted political parties.
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As shown in Figure 4, the PD reflected the gradual decline common to social-democratic parties throughout Europe. His ambition of holding a referendum without the necessary consensus in led to his resignation and significantly reduced his popularity. Thus, the decline in support for the PD is also attributable to this factor. The only way that the PD can aspire to govern is through a possible coalition with M5S, leading to what could be called a different type of left-wing coalition.
At any rate, even if opposed by Renzi, a possible coalition between the PD and M5S could open up a new era in Italian politics. Both Matteo Salvini and the leader of the M5S, Luigi Di Maio, see themselves as the elections winners, lection, which will make them want to sit at any negotiations and take part in the bargaining, despite M5S having rejected any pre-electoral agreements.
The tricky point is that neither has ever governed at the national level and they have always been in the opposition. Success in policy making could be a new test for all anti-establishment parties. The major decision now for the President of the Republic, Sergio Mattarella, will be to decide who takes up the role of seeking to assemble some sort of coalition. Last year Severino said there were backlogs of 5.
A shockingly high proportion of inmates in Italy's overcrowded prisons are awaiting trial. Meanwhile, others remain free pending appeals against lower court convictions. Berlusconi, for instance, was convicted of tax fraud last year. He is appealing against the verdict and is campaigning for a fourth election victory. Often, by the time defendants have completed the two appeals to which they are entitled, the statute of limitations has expired and the slate is wiped clean.
If there is one industry in Italy that has not suffered from the economic crisis, it is organised crime. It is a sector that booms year in, year out. With three significant mafia organisations — the 'Ndrangheta, the Camorra and the Sicilian mafia — the country remains a hub of organised illicit activity, even if the nature of that activity is changing with the times.
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Long gone are the days when the scourge was confined to the south; mafiosi now operate throughout the country and beyond. The 'Ndrangheta, for instance, has its roots in Calabria but dominates the European cocaine trade and the huge contracts being put out for tender at Milan's Expo are under particular scrutiny for signs of mafia involvement.
Long gone too is the image of the gun-toting Godfather-esque gangster: During the recession organised crime groups took advantage of ordinary Italians' plight, offering loans to individuals or businesses with extortionate rates of interest, thus making a whole new group of people beholden to them. According to a report last year by anti-crime group SOS Impresa, the people acting effectively as loan sharks are likely to be apparently respectable professionals. Estimates of how much this shadow economy is worth vary wildly.
Whatever the sum, the problems are clear. Just as pernicious is the corruption that bleeds the state of billions of euros every year. Twenty years after the Tangentopoli bribery scandal brought an end to Italy's postwar political order or so-called First Republic, the stench of corruption still lingers. Only last week a series of arrests and graft allegations prompted Monti to compare the situation to that of the early s. In recent years a series of scandals involving high-profile figures — often politicians — have infuriated people struggling in the recession.
In a bid to curb that disillusionment and crack down on graft, Monti's government passed a watered-down anti-corruption law in the autumn increasing jail sentences and banning those convicted definitively of corruption from running for public office. It was hailed as a modest step forward but, according to TI, which ranked Italy 72nd of countries in its corruption perceptions index last year, more needs to be done.
Sometimes it's easy to have the law approved but now Italy needs to implement it," said its regional spokeswoman, Valentina Rigamonti.