E korega France (Japanese Edition)

I'll do so if you like. I agree to buy it on one condition. I am willing to accept your offer. I don't mind taking it away. So itashi tai mono desu. So shitaku nai mono desu. Myo-cho ano hito wo ho- mon shi tai mono desu. Ano hito ni namake nai yd ni shite moral tai mono desu. Go-kibo nara so itashi ma- sho.

Sore wo kau koto ni doi itashi masu ga, joken wo hi- totsu tsuke masu. O-moshiide no ken wa yo- rokonde shodaku itashi masu. Sore wo o-mochi-kaeri ni natte mo yoroshu gozai masu. I don't want that one. I want that one. Would you like that one? I shouldn't like that one. I should like that one. Would you care for it? I shouldn't care for it. Do you want to see the cinema? I'm not auxious to see the cinema. Are or Sore wa iri masen.

Are or Sore ga nyuyo de- su. Are or Sore ga o-iriyo de- su ka. Are or Sore ga hoshiin desu. Sore ga o-ki ni iri mashita ka. Sore wa ki ni iri masen. Eiga wo mi tai no desu ka. Eiga wo zehi mi tai to yu wake de wa ar'i masen. Laconic Expressions 27 C. I should like to go there. I am auxious to see the cinema. I don't want to go to Yo- kohama to-day. I want you to go to Osaka. Would you like me to go to Osaka? Would you care for me to go to Osaka?

I shouldn't like you to go to such a place. I should like you to go to Yokohama. I shouldn't care for you to go to the theatre. I wish it would be fine! I wish I hadn't told it I want to see the cinema. Eiga ga mi tai mono desu. Would you like to see that picture? Ano e ga go-ran ni nari tai no desu ka. Would you like to see that one? Are wo go-ran ni natte wa ikaga desu ka. Watashi ni yubin-kyoku e yukase tai no desu ka. Zehi asuko-e yuki tai mono desu. Zehi eiga wo mi tai mono desu. Kyo Yokohama e yuka nai de ite morai tai no desu.

Osaka e itte morai tai no desu. Watashi ga Osaka e yuki masu ga, ikaga desu ka. Anata ni anna tokoro e itte morai taku wa ari masen. Zehi Yokohama e itte ita- daki tai mono desu ga. Anata ga shibai wo mini yukareru koto wa anmari sansei shi masen. Ito-san ga kureba yoi ga. Tenki ga yokereba yoi no ni. Ano hito ni sore wo hanase 28 Laconic Expressions him. I wish I were at home. Uchi ni itara yokatta ni. C21] Obligation, Necessity, etc. I mustn't do it. I have to go shopping'? I am to go to Yokohama to see a friend of mine off to- morrow.

C12] Ski Links, Akakura. He is bound to do it. Watashi wa sore wo ima shinakereba nari masen. Watashi wa sore wo shi tewa nari masen. Watashi wa mainichi kai- mono ni yuka nakereba nari masen. Myonichi tomodachi wo miokuri ni Yokohama e yuku koto ni natte i niasu. I'm not to do such a thing. W at akushi wa sonna koto wo suru hazu de wa nain desu. You shouldn't oughtn't go out in such a stormy day. Konna arashi no hi ni gai- shutsu shite wa ike masen. I'm obliged to finish the task. Watashi wa zehi-tomo kono shigoto wo oe nakereba nari masen.

Mo o-itoma shinakereba naranu toki desu, Ano kata wa sore wo zehi shi nakereba nari masen. Laconic Expressions 29 I'm supposed to go back now. I'm not supposed to go there. I was to see you last night. Mo kaera nakerefaa naranai no desu ga ; Mo kaera naku tewa ike nain desu ga. Watashi wa soko-e yuku koto ni natte iru no de wa ari masen. Sakuya anata ni o-me ni kakaru hazu deshita.

I'm bound to go to Osaka to-day. I know I shall finish it. There's no doubt about it. There's no question about it. Tasliika-ni sore wo oe masu. Myocho kitto o-ukagai itashi masu. Do-shite-mo kyo Osaka e yuka nakutewa nari masen. Do-shite-mo sore wo oeru kangae desu. Machigai wa gozai maen. Sore ni chigai gozai masen. Honto de gozai masu.

Gimon no yochi wa gozai masen. I can't do it. It's ,out of the question. It can't be done. Wake wa ari masen. Totemo deki masu mai. Watashi ni wa deki masen. Mondai ni nari masen. Dekiru mon ja ari,. Perhaps he isn't at home. It's possible he is out ; He's probably out. He may not come here. I dare say he will not come here. So, dochira deshd ne. Tabun uchi ni irasshara nai desho. Taitei so naru no desho. Domo ari so mo nai desu ne. O-rusu kamo shire masen. Tabun koko-ni o-ide ni naranu desho.

O-koshi ni nara nai desho. Watashi wa so omoi ma- sen. I think he will go to church to-morrow. I don't believe so. I don't believe it. I can't believe it. I don't expect so. I don't fancy so. I dare say it'll be all right. I doubt whether it. Ano kata ga asu kyokai e. Watashi wa so shinji'una- su. Watashi wa so wa shlnjl masen. Watashi wa shin-yo itashi masen. Shinzuru koto wa deki masen.

Watashi ni wa so , omowa- re masu. Watashi ni wa so omowa- re masen. Sonna ki gaitashi masu. Tabun yoi to omoi. Masaka ; Shinjltsu to wa uketore masen. Good morning, gentlemen or ladies. I hope you will sleep well. Thank you; the same to you. So-long ; So long. Mina-sama o-hayo gozai masu.

How are you all at home? How are your folks at home? And how are you? And how is your health? Never better, thank you; Capital, thank you. How is your father? He is very well. You are enjoying good health, aren't you? I hope I see you quite well? Thank you, I am quite well. You look quite robust. I'm very well indeed, thanks. Mina-san o-kawari ari ma- sen ka. Arigato gozai masu , shigo- ku jobu desu. Anata wa ika- ga desu ka. Okage de aikawarazu gan- ken desu. O-tosan wa ikaga desu. Go-jobu de gozai masho. Arigato, jobu de gozai masu.

Arigato, nanno sawari rao- ari masen. Anata wa go-tassha rashiku mie masu. Arigato, mazu jobu de go- zai masu. Makoto-ni jobu de gozai masu. Thank you, I am well, and you? I hope you are so, too. I am not quite well. I am feeling very poorly. I am a little indisposed. What is the matter with you?

What is your complaint? Don't you suffer from. You don't look well. I have the head-ache. Arigato, taiso tassha desu. Arigatd, jobu desu, shite anata wa. Anata mo go-jobu de. D5mo jobu de gozai masen. Domo kibun ga yoku go- zai masen. Sukoshi kagen ga waru go- zai masu. Nan-to-naku daruku omoi masu. Yohodo daruku omoi masu. Ki ga hiki-tachi masen. Han-byonin de gozai masu. Do nasatta no de gozai ma- su. Doko ga o-warui no de gozai masu. Anata wa ikaga nasare mashita ka Kiko no o-sawari de wa gozai masen ka. O-kao-tsuki ga yoku gozai masen. Zutsu ga itashi masu. Since the day I had the pleasure of seeing you at my uncle's.

Do you take any- thing for it? Hisashu o-waru gozai ma- shita ka. Watashi no oji no tokoro de o-me ni kakatta hi kara desu. Sore wa nagai aida desu, nani ka o-teate nasai mashita ka. Hai, kayu wo tabete i ma- su. Go-kyodai wa ima ikaga desu ka. I am glad of it. There is continual "B sick- ness in my family. I am very sorry to hear that. I hope you will soon be better. You must take good care of yourself. Thank you, I am taking the best care possible. I did not know she was unwell.

I hope you will have a good night. Please present my compli- ment to your family. Give my regards to your parents. Thank you, I shall, with pleasure. I shall, with pleasure. Arigato, kyo wa yoi ho desu. Sore wa kekko desu. Watakushi no uchi ni wa taezu byonin ga ari masu. Sore wa o-kinodoku desu. Hayaku go-kaifuku nasaru yd kibd itashi masu. O-ki wo tsuke nasaranto yoku ari masen. Go-zenkai no hi ni o-me ni kakari masho. Arigato, dekiru dake no yo- jin wa itashi masu.

Watashi wa ano o-kata no go-fukai na koto wa zonji masen deshita. Sayo-nara, o-yasumi nasai mashi. O-taku e yoroshiku itte kudasai. Arigato, moshi kike masu. Sayd moshi kike masu. No, he is not at home ; No, he is not in ; No, he is out. When will he be back?

Ito-san no o-taku wa ko- chira de gozai masu ka. Brown-san ga taizai shite orare masu ka. Go-shujin wa go-zaitaku desu ka. Itsu o-kaeri ni nari masu ka. Can I see him? Whom do you wish to see? May I have your card? Tell him that Mr. Have I the pleasure of speaking to Mr. Itsu demo itsu goro gozai- taku desu ka. Mai ban shichi-ji sugi ni wa itsu-mo zaitaku desu. Go-menkai ga deki masu ka. Donata ni go-menkai desu ka. Chotto shihai-nin ni o-me ni kakari tai no desu.

O-namae wa nanto moshi masho ka. O-meishi wo chodai itashi masu. Kono meishi wo o-toritsugi kudasai. Watashi no meishi wo to- ritsuide go-menkai ga dekirij ka do ka kiite kudasai. Smith to yu mono ga o-me ni kakari tai to itte kudasai. Tada-ima o-me ni kakaru so desu. Anata wa Itd-san de gozai masu ka. Sayo desu, watashi ga Ito desu. Please this way ; Please, come this way. What can I do for you? I hope I am not disturbing 3 you trespassing on your time? Please excuse me for a moment. Not at all ; Oh, that's all right ; Never mind.

I am very glad to see you. You are very welcome, Sir. It's a long time since I saw you last ; I have not seen you for a long time. It is one year since I saw you last. I have not seen you this year. You are quite a stranger. Do yu go-yd desu ka. O-jama de wa ari masen ka. Nagaku O-matase moshite sumi masen deshita.

Yo koso o-ide kudasai ma- shita. O-hisashi buri desu ne. Go-busata wo itashite ori mashita. Kono mae o-me ni kakatte kara ichi-nen ni nari masu.

Kore ga Watashi no Ikiru Michi

Honnen wa mada o-me ni kakari masen deshita. Mattaku o-misore itashi mashita. Very well, thanks; and you? How are your family? Thanks, we are all very well. I did not hear of it. Yoku o-tazune kudasai raa- shita. O-kawari ari masen ka. Arigato, shigoku jobu desu, shite anata wa. O-kage-sama-de mina jobu desu. Ddzo o-raku ni nasai. Kono aida o-tazune itashi mashita ga, go-fuzei deshita. Watashi wa sono koto wo kiki masen deshita.

A Visit I am very sorry that I was out. I came to see you last Fri- day, but you were not. I am sorry I was out when you called on me last Friday. I wish to call on you, as I have something to tell you. To-morrow I shall be out so please come the day after to-morrow. Thank you very much, but I'm sorry I can't do myselt that pleasure. I am very much obliged to you.

I can not stay. I must go home. Fuzai wo itashi mashite makoto-ni zannen deshita. Kono mae no kin-yo-bi ni ukagai mashita ga, go-fuzai deshita. Kono mae no kin-yobi ni wa fuzai de shitsurei itashi mashita. Su-do o-ukagai itashi mashi- ta ga, maido go-fuzai bakari deshita. Myonichi wa ie ni ori ma- sen kara myogo-nichi irashite kudasai masen ka. Myonichi maitte mo o-sa- shitsukae ari masen ka, chotto o-tazune kudasai. Ban-shoku wo tabete itte kudasai masen ka. ArigatS gozai masu ga, sayo shite orare masen. Taihen o-sewa ni nari ma- shita. Watashi wa todomaru koto ga deki masen.

Taku e kaera nakereba nari masen. O, must you go? It is quite early yet. You are in great haste. I am already engaged. Pray excuse me to-day. Surely you can stay a little longer. I'll stay longer another time. I thank you for your kind visit. I hope I shall see you soon again. Brown called to present his compliments. Mo okaeri desu ka, mada hayai desu yo. Taiso o-isogi desu ne. Naze sonnani o-isogi desu ka. Shinakereba naranu koto ga gozai mashite. Sore-dewa o-hikitome suru koto wa deki masen. Kyo wa go-men wo komuri masu, Mo sukoshi no aida irashi te mo yo gozai masho.

Iroiro o-hanashi shi tai koto mo gozai masu. Tajitsu yukkuri mairi ma- sho. O-tazune kudasai mashite arigato zonji masu. Chikai uchi ni mata o-me ni kakari to zonji masu. Go-shujin e o-kotozuke wd negaware masu mai ka. Ito-san e Brown to mosu mono ga tazunete mairi ma- shite yoroshiku moshita to osshatte kudasai. I think it's time to go to bed. Well, I'm going to bed ; I'm sleepy. Give me the key? The bed seems very hard.

Bring me another blanket. I hope you'll sleep well. Call me at five o'clock. Watashi wa hijo-ni nemuku nari mashita. Mo yasunde ii koro desho. Kanari osoi, jikan wo go- ran nasai yo. Watashi no heya no kagi wo kudasai. Nedoko ga yohodo katai yo desu. Kono makura wo torikaete okure kudasai. Kono makura-bukuro wo kaete okure kudasai.

Katai Yawarakai makura wo moral tai no desu. Mofu wo mo ichi-mai mot- te oide kite kudasai. Nan-ji ni okiru o-tsumori desu ka. Go-ji ni okoshite kudasai. Roku-ji ga nattara okoshite kudasai. I'll get up at seven o'clock. It is five o'clock, Sir. It is time to get up. I feel too lazy to get up this morning. I've been up for the last two hours. All right ; I'm just going to get up. I've only just woke up. I shan't be long now. I'll be down in a moment. Bring me some coffee and hot. Okosu koto wo wasure na san na. Shichi-ji ni oki masho. O-oki nasaru told desu. Koncho wa taiso darukute o-kiru no ga iya desu.

Okite kara mo ni-ji-kan ni nari masu. Ei, ima okiru tokoro desu. Ima me ga s;. Sugu shita e yuki masu. Kohl to yu wo motte kite okure kudasai. How did you sleep? Very well, I thank, you. You are up early. I generally rise at six o'clock. Watashi no uwagi to zubon ni burashi wo kakete okure. O-isogi de yu wo motte kite okure. O-hayo gozai masu, ikaga desu, o-nemuri nasai mashita ka. O-kage de taiso yoku ne- muri mashita. Watashi wa tsune-ni roku-ji ni oki masu. Help yourself, please ; Help yourself, Sir. Help yourself to cake. May I offer you some toast?

There Is some soda water also. Nani wo sashi-age masho ka. Dozo go-zui ni meshi agat- te kudasai. Dozo o-kashi wo meshi a- gatte kudasai. Yaki-pan wo sashi-age ma- sho ka. Ota-san, nani wo nomi masu ka. Blru ni itashi masu ka, bu- doshu ni itashi masu ka.

Soda-sui mo gozai masu. Thank you, anything will Arigato, nan demo yoi desu. No, thank you ; No more, thank you. Can I have any breakfast now? May I have another cup of coffee?

Mawaru Chikyuu Rondo (Japan)

I am dying with hunger. Anata ga soda-sui wo o- nomi ni naru nara, watashi mo sukoshi morai masho. Won't you help yourself to something more? Motto nani ka meshi-agari masen ka. Won't you take another cup of tea? Cha wo mo ippai meshi- agari masen ka. Arigato, mo sukoshi itada- ki masu. Mo kekko desu ; Mo taku- san desu. Mo choshoku ga deki ma- shita ka. Itsu choshoku ga deki aga- ri masu ka. Kyuji-san, bata wo motte kite o-kure kudasai. Kohl wo mo ippai itadake masen ka. Watashi wa hara ga hette shini so da. Watashi wa hijo-ni hara ga hetta. I haven't got any appe- tite.

You are a poor eater. I fear or am afraid you have made a poor meal. No, thank you, I've made an excellent meal. Oh, no, I did full justice to the dinner ; I have enjoyed my dinner very much. Thank you very much for your, kind hospitality. I have enjoyed a very nice evening. I wish you good night. Watashi wa hijo-ni nodo ga kawaita kara nani ka nomu mono wo kudasai.

Watashi wa sukoshi mo tabe taku ari masen. O-sara ga kara ja ari masen ka, maton wo hitotsu sashi- age masho. Sukoshi mo meshi-agari masen no ne. Ikko meshi-agatte kudasara nai ja ari masen ka. Ie, do itashi mashite, jubun itadaki mashita. Ie, jiibun itadaki mashita. Iroiro-to go-chiso ni nari mashite arigatd gozai mashita. O-kage-sama de komban wa taisd yukai deshita, sayo- nara o-yasumi nasai. Hara-kun no kenko wo shukusuru tame-ni go-kampai wo negai masu. Ano hito no shinshitsu ni shirasete o-kure. Meals 51 I will, Sir, immediately.

What shall I offer you? What will you take? Which do you prefer, tea or coffee? Which do you like better? Here are hot rolls'? The things are excellent. I'll take some toast. Hai, kashikomari mashita, tadaima sugu. Asa-han ga dekita to mi- nasan ni moshite o-kure. Nani wo meshi-agari masu ka. Cha to kohl to dochira ga yoroshu gozai masu ka.

Dochira ga yox-oshu gozai- masu ka. Atatakai maki-pan to yaki- pan to ga gozai masu. Watashi wa maki-pan to kohl ni itashi masho, Kore wa kekko desu. Watashi wa yaki-pan wo itadaki masho. I hope this coffee is to your taste. If it is not sweet enough, pray take more sugar. I will take some tea. Make some for me quick- ly. Do you like mustard? I like it very much. How do you find it? Won't you take any more? Give me some more.

No more, thank you. Give me two boiled eggs. Dozo ima sukoshi gyunyu wo kudasai. Moshi amo gozai masen deshitara, motto sato wo o-ire kudasai. Cha wo morai masho Chokoreito wo sukoshi. Dobin wo motte kite o-kure. Yoku futto shite iru yu de nakereba dame desu. Karashi wa o-suki desu ka. Go-jiyu ni nasai mashi. Umitate-no tamago ga go- zai masu ga, ikaga desu. Kaki no supu wa o-suki de wa ari masen ka. Ima sukoshi meshi-agari masen ka. Arigato, mo takusan de gozai masu. Yude-tamago wo futatsu kudasai. Atarashii bata ga ari masu ka.

Bata wo tsuketa pan wo. Meals 53 This butter is rancid. Show me the wine list. I will make the tea myself. Put some more water in the tea-pot. Another cup of tea. Please give me half a cup of tea. Thank you, I have. Will you smoke a cigar? Sake-rui no mokuroku wo misete o-kure. Kono budoshu no sho-bin wo morai masho. Watashi wa jibun de cha wo ire masho. Dozo chawan ni hambun cha wo kudasai. Mo o-shimai desu ka. Hamaki-tabako wo o-sui nasal. Kyuji-san, hi wo kure ta- mae. Is it luncheon time already?

Yes, it's twelve o'clock. It is on the table. How many people will dine? Mo chuhan-doki desu ka. So desu, ju-ni-ji desu. Shokuji wa deki mashita ka. Shokuji wa dete ori masu. Shokuji wo nasaru kata wa nan-nin desu ka. Let us go to the dining- room. Koko e suwatte mo yoroshii desu ka.

Where shall I sit? Doko e suwari masho ka. Take this seat, if you Dozo koko e o-suwari ku- please. Brown-saa ni kono seki wo akete oite kudasai. Brown will be here directly. Let us be seated. Please be seated, gentle- men. Dozo mina-san seki ni- o-tsuki kudasai. I am very thirsty. Will you take some soup? Taihen o-naka ga sulci raa- shita. Anata wa o-naka ga suki- mashita ka.

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Taihen nodo ga kawaki masu. Anata wa supu wo agari- masu ka. I will not take any. Have you any good salmon- trout? Is this fish fresh? It looks very nice. Which way shall I cut it? Is it sea or fresh-water fish? Nani mo iri masen. Kore wa i ni taihen yoro- shu gozai masu. Sakana wo tabe masho. Actors are not ready-made essences. Every actor is a nodal point in a network. Actors exist only inside networks of relations. A network is a not fixed structure, but a flexible and ever-changing composition.

Actors and networks are neither opposed entities nor opposed interpretative filters. There is no dualism between a macro and a micro dimension. On the contrary, 7 A flat ontology analytically recognizes every actor as equally part of a network, but does not state that every actor has the same force. Interactions between asymmetrical powers inevitably emerge.

The CEO of Apple and a factory worker who assembled the computer I am currently using, equally participate in the network of Apple Inc. This disparity of power is due to the different alliances they established with other human and non-human actors such as financial resources, legal contracts, etc. A slot machine can be addressed either as an actor -by taking for granted its constitution and focusing exclusively on its effects on other actors- or as a multitudinous network.

Whenever we approach an actor as a network we deconstruct it. A network has no limits. Thus hypothetically the operation of deconstruction might continue forever: Everything that exists, exists in this indefinite process of mediations. Human beings and human reason s are not exceptions. Indeed it raises a basic question about what we mean when we talk of people. This is indeed an aspect shared also by several other post-humanist philosophies. As any other actor, human beings and subjects are not pre-existent essences.

ANT is neither a generalised theory of society nor a normative ethical theory. ANT addresses equally human and nonhuman actors on an ontological level, but does not state that humans and nonhumans are the same thing, nor it requests us to treat humans and nonhumans in the same way. ANT is not an ethical theory. However, it might help us to rethink the relation between technology and morality. Latour rejects the approaches that consider artifacts simply as neutral means Latour He enlists four different possible meanings of mediation: Inspired by the postphenomenological approach of Peter-Paul Verbeek Verbeek , the present research is especially interested in the concept of delegation.

Delegation might occur from humans to nonhumans, as well as from nonhumans to humans. Programs of action are inscribed by humans into artifacts and vice versa. Humans can delegate actions to things in order to affect other humans. Latour gives the example of the alarm sound demanding to a driver to buckle the seat belt when driving a car. It has become logically—no, it has become sociologically—impossible to drive without wearing the belt. I cannot be bad anymore. I, plus the car, plus the dozens of patented engineers, plus the police are making me be moral.

For the sake of clarity in the present research we will often limit our analysis to the generic concept of mediation. Verbeek highlights the ethical importance of considering also processes of delegation that occur from nonhumans to humans, in order to consider things beyond human intentionality. A revolving door was not intended to prevent the passage of wheelchairs and gambling machines are not produced -at least we hope- with the intentional aim of making people addicted. Technologies delegate to humans programs of actions that were not necessarily scripted by engineers and designers.

Introduction to global gambling The spreading of commercial electronic gambling is a recent phenomenon. Since the rise of modern nation-states, gambling organizations have been systematically repressed by the state apparatuses of most countries Kingma Gambling activities were often perceived as threatening to the social and economic stability, and thus needed to be tightly controlled through legal restrictions.

State control of gambling organizations was achieved through space and time regulations. Space regulations were aiming at segregating and concentrating gambling activities in a specific location Kingma Although gambling was condemned as an illegal practice, permissions to develop spaces where gambling could be practiced have been issued in various countries. Casinos are the most significant example: Gambling institutions such as casinos have often been located in areas that can not be accessed on a daily basis by the majority of the population. Another form of control of gambling activities has been achieved through the disposal of time regulations: Through lotteries states could exploit gambling as a form of voluntary taxation, while limiting the risks of a proliferation.

Commercial gambling legally existed only under certain rules and under state control. However, in the recent years prohibitionism and tight state control has been replaced by a pattern of liberalization and normalization of commercial gambling Adams What once was illegal, or at least strongly confined, is now legal and on the market. Gambling organizations could finally expand. They could reach more people and get closer to their everyday life. They could stream adverts on tv, on internet, on the radio, on the subway and anywhere else.

The recent development of online gambling has further strengthen this trend: This pattern of normative changes has produced a striking increase of gambling expenditures in several countries over the last two decades. In the revenue produced by electronic gambling machines and online gambling was respectively 49 and 13 billion euros.

The same year the total turnout of gambling industry in Italy has exceeded 86 billion euros Esposito To give a second example, in Australia electronic gambling became legal in In Australian citizens averagely lost 1, AUD euro per capita in gambling activities -which is currently the higher per capita gambling expenditure in the world. Some of the technologies and mechanisms moving the EGMs currently widespread across the world have been indeed developed and introduced in the early s by Japanese and North American corporations see chapter 4.

Global electronic gambling has some its roots in Japan. Due the lack of explicit legislation see chapter 1 , since EGMs could proliferate, reaching every town and attracting millions of customers. While in many other countries such as Italy it had not yet been legalized, by electronic gambling was already a 30 trillion yen billion euro market in Japan , reaching more than a fifth of the national population every year JPC Because of its long history, the analysis of the Japanese context might help our understanding of the future evolution of electronic gambling market in several other countries as well.

Gambling, markets and states 9 is the year gambling machines were legalized in New Zealand as well. The total gross wagered by gambling industry in New Zealand in amounted approximately to 1. In , it reached 9. In United States, until the late s casinos and machine gambling were legal only in the states of Nevada and New Jersey. Currently 23 states have casinos. In they exceeded It has become a commodity among many others, which therefore can be accessed and consumed anytime and anywhere -the diffusion of online gambling is emblematical.

The current patterns of legalization of gambling do not simply reflect an abstract advancement of capitalism, nor they reflect and abstract vanishment of state power. The processes of legalization of commercial gambling are always supported by complex nets of local powers and interests. Local governments and other political organizations might play a very active role in the process of legalization.

Political and bureaucratic institutions often contribute to the rise and spread of commercial gambling. They provide legal and financial incentives. It might in fact be in the interest of several state institutions to encourage the rise of commercial gambling. After all, electronic gambling is an industry and a new industry creates jobs, boosts the economy, and -most importantly- increase the tax income. Such conceptualization highlights the weakening of state political autonomy over the rise of a deterritorialized global market, a phenomenon which is unarguably occurring.

Nonetheless, they are powerful ideological actors that affect our perception of reality. National ideologies have been constantly mutating in relation to other actors -financial, geopolitical etc. In several countries the rise of commercial gambling has been welcomed by governments as the rise of a new economic sector.

Legalization was accepted because it would have strengthened domestic finances and supported the economic growth. As a matter of fact in many regions the expansion of gambling industry has been supported during periods of economic recession. The liberalization of gambling has often occurred in order support domestic finances Adams through the implementation of high rates of taxation -or even through state direct management of gambling activities see chapter 1.

The development of a gambling industry has been often encouraged by local governments. It provides a universal political direction, implying that we are all fighting the same enemy: As mentioned above, this is a very appealing political vision. The drawback -which is indeed is the drawback of most theories- of such interpretation of the world is that it reduces every specific event to a global dialectical process. Because of this, such interpretation fails in understanding the subtle differences and the complex networks of conflicting interests that compose our realities.

In dealing with gambling, governments act very differently. This proves that states have not been subsumed by market dynamics -at least for the moment. It would be very reductive to understand South Korean abolishment of pachinko as an extraordinary example of resistance to major global capitalist trends.

As well as it would be reductive to interpret the Italian choice of legalizing gambling as an example of subjection to the market. Strong political differences have emerged between different countries in regard of gambling and electronic gambling. In this section we will deal with a paradoxical question: Especially in a period of economic recession, would not such strategy contrast with the goals of a country?

A period of economic stagnation means a decrease of the GDP and therefore a decrease in state revenues. Less revenues bring financial instability. Financial instability means less money to sustain services and welfare, which might lead to an increase of the domestic debt. At this point a government has to take a decision. The case of Greece is probably the most widely discussed example from the recent years.

As a consequence of momentary financial instability, over-governmental organizations cut credit rating. This reduced the investment rate in the country and economic crisis further worsened. To revert the trend and manage the Greek national debt, the European Union imposed strong cuts on the expenditures of the country. But the point is another: It is worth noticing, that the legalization of VLT in Greece has been disposed in , right in the middle of the economic crisis.

The legalization of gambling industry has never intended to be a cure to Greek recession. Despite not being regarded as a solution, gambling expansion is supported by various political factions as it produces a quick economic boost and might be exploited through high-taxations rates in order to help state finances. It is not unpopular as a direct taxation, since it is perceived as voluntary. Legalization and exploitation of gambling becomes a very attractive move from a political point of view.

So we are back to the initial question: Obviously beyond the choice of legalizing electronic gambling something huge is at stake. Otherwise there would not be many countries still refusing to legalize electronic gambling. What kind of interplay between market forces and state institutions have emerged? Is there any similarity with the spread of electronic gambling which occurred in other countries such as Italy, Greece or the United States?

Or is it a totally different process? South Korea abolished electronic gambling in Can a similar choice be made in Japan as well? And if not, why? Gambling in the era of ubiquitous computing In the last three decades computer technology has become ubiquitous. Algorithms, of which we are mostly unaware, constantly mediate our perception of reality.

Silicon-based information technology has been adopted also by gambling corporations. The implementation of computer technology has produced new forms of gambling and new gambling environments. An intensification of the gambling experience is the most significant consequence produced by the integration of computer technology into gambling machines. In order to 16 The Greek case is emblematic of the complex interaction between states and gambling industry.

This relation can not be reduced to a form of subjugation to global market dynamics. Support and taxation of electronic gambling become therefore a weapon adopted by the Greek state to avoid spending cuts. Governments are well aware of the risks of an expansion of electronic gambling. As a matter of fact, in order to control these risks the Greek government has recently proposed new technological restrictions on the EGMs, in order to limit their addictive power.

Such proposal shows us the ambiguous position of Greek government -which is the ambiguous position of several other countries as well: An article on Seeking Alpha examines the recents political decisions made by Greek government, from the point of view of OPAP, the leading gambling company in Greece. The stake of individual bets has highly decreased in the last decades. In Japan 1 yen approximately 0. A second characteristic of the intensification of gambling is speed: Lotteries and sport betting might be considered low-frequency forms of gambling: These events might take place once a week, once a month or even once a year.

High-frequency gambling is a constant stream of low-stake transactions. On recent multiline video-slot and on video poker machines it is even possible to play and bet on several games simultaneously. Video and audio contents generate narrations, creating suspense, climax and producing a feeling of reward that arouses players.

Every stimulus is designed to keep players focused on the game. Various machines might even delude players by making them misperceive losses as wins. Several researches have illustrated the psychophysical and the psychological impact that audio and video stimuli produced by EGMs have on players Dixon , Dixon The software and the hardware of any machine is designed to reinforce the gambling behaviour, in order to lengthen the game and make players play -and spend- as much as possible. The environment too is arranged to keep players playing.

The ultimate aim of gambling corporations is to increase the profitability of every player. However, the technologies and the designs adopted to achieve such aim inevitably induce players into an obsessive and compulsive gambling behaviour, which might generate an addiction. A major aim of the present work is to examine how this occurs in the specific context of Japanese gambling market.

We will analyze how EGMs and gambling environments mediate the behaviour of players in Japan. As we will see, Japanese EGMs -which have never spread outside Japan and South Korea- have several peculiar characteristics that distinguish them from the EGMs popular in other countries. How did these characteristics emerge and what kind of distinguishing agency they have? We surely live in an epoque in which scientific and technical knowledge is global.

The turnover of pachinko halls is higher than the total turnover of Japanese steel manufactures and is more than twice the turnover produced by the 51, convenience stores diffused in the country. Daikoku Denki -the leading company in gambling hall management systems- estimates that Japanese citizens lose approximately 4 trillion yen in electronic gambling every year. Electronic gambling in Japan is incredibly widespread: Considering its dimension how could pachinko industry be neglected by both Japanese and non-Japanese scholars over the last decades? The lack of academic interest in Japanese electronic gambling might be connected with the peculiar legal condition of pachinko.

In Japan gambling is in fact prohibited by the law. In chapter 1 we will detaily examine the interplays of legal and political powers that protects pachinko industry. This misrecognition has two main consequences on the academic level: The inaccurate representation of Japanese gambling market, as well as the scarcity of accurate data diffused in English language, has surely influenced the academic perception of Japanese electronic gambling outside Japan. Most of the academic works concerning gambling in Japan focus on pathological gamblers from a psychiatric and a psychological perspective Hahakigi , Kido , Tanabe Drawing from clinical analyses, psychiatric and psychological researches aim to develop effective treatments for gambling addiction.

They make frequent references to international clinical criteria, especially to the DSM, which they attempt to apply to the Japanese context. By doing this they therefore link Japanese problem gambling to a wider global network of scientific and medical research on the topic. A significant limit of psychological research in the field of Japanese gambling is the lack of attention toward the specific material and virtual features of electronic gambling.

They mostly avoid the examination of machines and environments that mediate the experience of players.

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They have provided statistical data: Surveys developed in the field of psychiatry have shown the high diffusion of gambling addiction in Japan: However, despite having provided significant information concerning subjects with gambling disorders, they do not examine the mediating role played by machines and environments. Various other researches concerning pachinko industry have originated in the field of marketing studies Kaji , , Marketing examinations, along with several historical researches that have speculated on the origin and the evolution of gambling machines in Japan Kaji , Sugiyama , Yoshikuni a, b , provide very detailed information on pachinko industry.

Kaji , , has examined the challenges that contemporary electronic gambling industry has been facing in Japan, and has attempted to point out what pachinko industry should do in order to increase its popularity. The implementation of legal regulations at a local level is possible and represents one of the most effective defense mechanisms against the proliferation of electronic gambling. Gambling is illegal in Japan, and EGMs are technically illegal as well see chapter 1. Pachinko industry exists in a legal gray zone. These journalistic works are very important, since they provide contingent examples concerning these relations of powers.

A major limit of the existing social scientific literature on the topic is that it has widely neglected the materiality of Japanese gambling machines and of gambling environments. Machines are considered as conditions of possibility and as active agents of an electronic gambling addiction.

In order to stress the national dimension of Japanese pachinko, we have preferred not to focus on one specific city, but to provide a plurality of examples. Nevertheless, she does not appear to be interested in the systematic adoption of a specific post-humanist theory. This research attempts to connect together very different perspectives and very different entities. Laws, financial capitals, material features of a gambling machine, staff working in a gambling hall, big data, architectures, resistance movements, anime characters and many other actors will be examined as significant mediators of the same network.

Aspects that are commonly considered by different fields of study, will be thus flattened on the same analytic level. For the sake of clarity, we have decided to divide the work in 5 chapters, each considering a specific actor of electronic gambling and addiction. However, as we will see, all the examined actors are always intertwined and should not be considered as autonomous entities. In the first chapter we will examine the legal status of electronic gambling in contemporary Japan. We will analyze the interplay of laws, institutions, industrial interests, political forces etc.

We will discuss the geography and the visual appearance of pachinko halls. In the fourth chapter we will open up Japanese EGMs, scrutinizing how they work and investigating the gaming experience they are programmed to produce. Finally in the last chapter we will consider the definition of addiction, focusing on the medical discourse that participate in the representation of the addicted subjects.

Introduction to pachinko and pachi-slot There are two major types of EGMs available in a pachinko hall. A pachinko machine left and a pachi-slot machine right. The most popular machine is pachinko. The fundamental game mechanisms of pachinko machine resemble the mechanisms of pinball machine -indeed these two machines share the same origin Sugiyama The major difference is that pachinko is vertical and that the game is completely based on chance.

The basic action is the same: Due to computerization since the s the game has radically changed and the outcome is now ultimately determined by digital components. The second machine is pachi-slot. Pushing stop buttons, players manually stop the reels. The outcome of pachi-slot machines too is determined by a computer microchip. Pachi-slots have appeared in Japanese gambling market much more recently than pachinko. Pachinko halls usually accommodate both a pachinko area and pachi-slot area, attracting players of both the machines. Pachi-slot machines are less popular and commonly cover a smaller area inside pachinko halls.

However, while the popularity of pachinko machines has strongly decreased, in the last 20 years the market size of pachi-slot machines has steadily increased. Broadly speaking, currently pachinko industry is in stage of decline. Japanese gambling market expansion in Japan reached its peak in That year the turnover of pachinko halls exceeded Such decline reflects a more generalised decline of leisure businesses in Japan JPC and the stagnation that has afflicted Japanese economy during the last decade.

However, we must notice that notwithstanding the economic stagnation the money spent on electronic gambling by individual players have not decreased. Pachinko halls reported approximately 17 million customers in , but only 11 million customers in The turnover has decreased less than the number of customers, which means that the gambling expenditure per capita has increased figure 0. Moreover, examining a longer span of 20 years, we discover that in the customers exceeded 29 millions, producing a turnover of To put it simple, on the long run players have strongly diminished, but the ones that still play tends to spend much more money.

This significant change implies that the number of extreme players have increased in the last 20 years, a phenomenon that needs to be investigated. Moreover, as already mentioned since new low-stake gambling machines have been introduced in Japan. This means that with the same amount of money, players can play four times longer. Fewer players play, but they spend much more time on the gambling device. What transformations in the gambling environments, in the machines and in the marketing strategies adopted by pachinko corporations could produce such a major shift?

Trends in the pachinko hall market. We will particularly focus on the network of interests that has connected state institutions and pachinko corporations in the last decades. We have already highlighted the role that governments and state institutions have played in the development of electronic gambling markets in several countries. The spread of electronic gambling can be interpreted as a global phenomenon.

Such reading might be useful to create common strategies and might encourage researchers of different regions to share their knowledge concerning a technological and financial network that has a global dimension. However, this same interpretation has the limit of neglecting the interplays of powers that have materially emerged at a local level and that have mediated the concrete development of gambling facilities and of gambling machines in specific realities.

Every machine and every player has its own history -network- of relations, in which the local legal framework plays a fundamental role. This chapter will examine the legal vectors that have mediated the development of EGMs and -consequently- of pachinko players in Japan. We will focus on the contingent network of powers that has sustained the spread of electronic gambling in the country.

Talking about power is always a complicated issue. Power is always in movement. It is a matter of mediations and associations. Power emerges in alliances of actors. We need to examine the alliances that currently legitimize and shape pachinko industry. A person who gambles shall be punished by a fine of not more than , yen or a petty fine; provided, however, that the same shall not apply to a person who bets a thing which is provided for momentary entertainment.

However various legal exceptions have historically emerged. Special laws legitimizing specific gambling activities have been introduced. Horse race, bicycle race, motorcycle race and motorboat race betting, lottery and soccer lottery are currently recognized as legitimate activities in Japan. All these legitimate gambling activities are directly managed by various state institutions Hagino Horse races -legalized in are managed by the Ministry of Agriculture. Bicycle and motorcycle races are managed by the Ministry of Economy.

Boat races by the Ministry of Transport. Lottery by the Minister of Internal Affairs. And soccer lottery -legalized in by the Ministry of Education. Public gambling activities are in the hand of several institutions, which manage their profits as well. This system produces a dispersion of political and financial powers. Several laws have been specifically introduced in order to legalize the gambling activities we have mentioned above. However, there is no single law explicitly legalizing electronic gambling in Japan. Despite producing a revenue that is higher than all the public gambling activities put together, legally speaking pachinko and pachi-slot are not recognized as legitimate gambling activities in Japan.

At this point a question might arise: Pachinko industry is not regulated by any gambling law created ad hoc, but by a set of laws that regulates several other kinds of commercial activities, which are mostly extraneous to gambling. Winning money is not possible in a pachinko hall, since, according to the Japanese law, the act of gambling is illegal. Does this mean that pachinko customers do not play with the intent of winning money?

No, it does not. Last revision June 24, There is in fact a system that lets players monetize their wins. Receiving a cash prize or selling non-monetary prizes inside a hall, in order to get money, is strictly prohibited. Exploiting this kind of legal void, the pachinko industry has been able to create a complex system that provides money to players.

The special prize is a small plastic card -which might seem valueless to the eye of a nonplayer. Once handed to a prize exchange store, the special prize card is changed into money. A prize exchange store in Nishikoyama, Tokyo. A special prize card with the value of 5, yen. The name refers to the three stores that are involved in the exchange. The three stores system functions as follows figure 1. The winning player sells his or her special prize card to the prize exchange store and obtains money in return. A representation of the three stores system.

This complicated system prevents pachinko from being considered a gambling activity, and from being banned.

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Thanks to the mediation of the prize wholesale store, ultimately there is no direct legal connection between a pachinko hall and a prize exchange store. The three stores involved in the system are three separate juridical persons. For this reason a pachinko hall can not prosecuted for providing money to players.

This interpretation refers to the second part of article , which is extremely ambiguous. This distinction indeed has not only affected the legal discourse on pachinko and pachi-slot, but also the language adopted by the mass media to discuss pachinko industry and the popular perception of the game. Pachinko industry never defines itself as a gambling industry, but rather as an amusement or as an entertainment industry. We will discuss the conflicting interests that on one hand support and on the other contrast the current legal condition of pachinko industry in Japan.

In regions or countries where electronic gambling is legal, such as Nevada or Italy, monetary prizes are mostly supplied inside gambling halls. However, Japanese pachinko industry had to externalize this service. As we have already explained in the introduction a pure gambling act does not exist, but is always produced in a definite relation with other actors.

The relation between a user and a specific gambling machine goes beyond the abstract act of betting see chapter 4. As we have already underlined, the large majority of pachinko players make use of this system in order to receive money. From a financial point of view, the legalization of monetary prizes would be very convenient for the Japanese state. It would in fact open up the possibility of introducing a new remunerative taxation on pachinko.

The government would be able to introduce a new tax without the popular backlash that generally follows the introduction of new forms of taxation. Surveys have shown that a new tax on pachinko would be supported by the large majority of the population. The biggest pachinko corporations would gain several advantages Mizoguchi Pachinko kazei no genjitsumi. The reality of pachinko taxation. Irorio, October 17, The PCSA is one of the most influential lobbying organizations in Japan, providing thick connections between the major gambling corporations and Japanese political parties.

Currently 50 members of the National Diet -rappresentative of various political parties- are also members of the PCSA. This kind of change would also provide a stronger legal stability to pachinko industry. But most importantly, the legalization of monetary prizes would let big pachinko hall corporations list their companies on the Japanese stock exchange. Being listed on the stock exchange, pachinko chain stores would be able to expand their financial base, moving to a global scale that would let them penetrate in other countries as well.

What is that has ultimately prevented a reform on this issue? An institution that has been surely opposing to the legalization of pachinko as a gambling activity is the National Police Agency Kami no Bakudan , Mizoguchi Pachinko industry is in fact under the jurisdiction of the National Police Agency, which largely benefits from the current legal ambiguity. The two companies have begun a strategy of financial expansion and have been investing in casino corporations outside Japan. The aim is to obtain the know-how to participate in the management of casino business, which might be legalized very soon in Japan.

For further information see: The connections between pachinko industry and police are indisputable. New laws would be introduced, producing a redistribution of powers. Pachinko would be probably removed from the jurisdiction of National Police Agency. Losing their control on one of the biggest industries in Japan, police bureaucrats would see their influence highly diminished Pokka As an institution, police benefits from keeping pachinko industry in the current precarious legal condition. The two institutions are strongly interconnected.

This section will discuss another possible alternative: As we have mentioned in the previous section, pachinko industry is far too big and influential. Its alliances are too strong. Several political and bureaucratic institutions are entangled with pachinko. Police top bureaucrats get hired by the biggest pachinko corporations after their retirement Kami no Bakudan , Mizoguchi , Pokka and members of all the major political parties join pachinko associations as advisors.

Personal, corporate and institutional interests might be in contrast on the specific topic of legalization of cash prizes, but are ultimately intertwined. Financial connections prevent most newspapers and television channels to publicly criticize, or even to simply refer to the critical aspects of pachinko industry.

Due to the lack of media coverage on the topic, many Japanese citizens are completely unaware of the issues concerning contemporary pachinko. There are more prize exchange stores than family restaurants in Japan, but many people have never noticed their existence! None of them knew that Japan is currently one the biggest gambling markets in the world.

The low awareness of the issues concerning pachinko might have prevented the emergence of a strong popular movement of resistance against electronic gambling. And as far as a strong popular movement does not emerge at a national level, electronic gambling is very unlikely to be banned in Japan. Movements of resistance have mostly emerged at a local level see chapter 2 , but have had scarce influence on the national politics. The topic of electronic gambling has been largely neglected by major leftist movements, labour unions and political parties as well.

We might indeed see a connection between such disinterest and the fact that the abolition of pachinko industry has become part of the political agenda of several right-wing xenophobic groups such as the Zaitokukai figure 1. The political stance of far-right movements against pachinko appears to be mainly moved by their racist concernment with Korean ethnic groups. Such association might have affected the approach of left-wing groups toward electronic gambling, which has often not been considered as a significant political issue.

An anti-pachinko demonstration organized in Tokyo by the Zaitokukai on June 30, We will try to understand how these actors influence the gambling environments and the gambling machines to which players relate. First of all, police bureaucrats mediate the location of a hall. Before the construction of a new hall, a request of authorization has to be sent to the local police station. Police officers ultimately determine whether a pachinko hall can open or not in a specific location.

Pachinko halls -as well as game centers and other commercial activities- can not open before 8 a. However, depending on regional regulations the opening hours might be further reduced. It is a fundamental document, since it determines the shape of the EGMs which players will interact with. The material evolution of pachinko and pachi-slot machines has been mediated by this document. This document has been determining the maximum speed of every EGM, the maximum outcome, the size of every pachinko ball, the specifics of the microchips and of many other subtle features see chapter 4.

In order to be installed in a pachinko hall, every new EGM has to pass this test: There are neither national nor local regulations regarding the opening days of pachinko halls, which can therefore open every day of the year. Last revision November 13, Police officers test EGMs inside pachinko halls in order to detect, punish and prevent illegal customizations. The hardware, the software and the environment that mediate the gambling experience of players are always contingent products of a heterogeneous interplay of forces. Did state institutions try to control electronic gambling, or did they rather support its spread?

In order to complicate our understanding of these questions, the present section will outline a significant example of mediation that has occurred between state institutions and Japanese electronic gambling industry. In two major changes have affected pachinko industry. The first change was a connected to the implementation of a new law against criminal organizations.

Halls had often to pay protection money to local criminal organizations, which also ran prize exchange stores Mizoguchi Despite not specifically referring to pachinko halls, the law on organized crime introduced in strongly increased the authority of police, which consequently was able to cut the links between criminal organizations and pachinko business. This was a fundamental step that supported the transformation of pachinko from an obscure business connected with delinquency into a rather legitimate and respectable activity 44 Apparently, during the s and in the early s pachinko and pachi-slot machines have often been illegally customized inside pachinko halls, in order to make machines more profitable -making players lose more than what determined by the Public Safety Commission- or more arousing -making players win more than what prescribed by law Mizoguchi Such shift has occurred under the supervision and the approval of local and national police agencies.

Thanks to the protection of Japanese police, since the atmosphere of pachinko halls has rapidly improved, becoming safer and attracting new kinds of customers Kaji A second fundamental change occurred that same year: In order to marginalize tax evasion, in police promoted the introduction of prepaid cards Mizoguchi as a technology to track the flow of money. New CR pachinko machines card reader machines were developed and rapidly spread across the country.

In few years machines with no card reader completely disappeared and tax evasion was reduced. In order to effectively promote prepaid cards over the old banknote system, the Public Safety Commision established that new CR machines could provide a gambling experience much more intense that the one of provided by the previous pachinko machines Mizoguchi Several new features could be introduced into the CR machines to intensify the gambling experience.

Among these, the most remarkable is the High-Probability Mode. The High-Probability Mode is a crucial feature of contemporary pachinko machines: In the Japanese economic bubble bursted. However, instead of slowly decreasing, electronic gambling market rapidly expanded. Thanks to introduction of CR machines, from a turnover of These two changes have been led by the Japanese police, a state institution that has supported the spread of electronic gambling, while trying to regulate and control it. We have seen that despite not being formally legalized, sustained by several institutional connections, electronic gambling could emerge and expand in Japan.

Unfortunately we had to limit our analysis mostly to a national legal framework, and we could not focus adequately on the local differences that govern the geography of pachinko halls. It is the contingent product of material negotiations between a wide net of actors, which we are largely unaware of. The introduction of few sentences in the text of one law might provoke huge changes in pachinko industry.

Machines have to be rebuilt and softwares reprogrammed. In order to change the current condition of Japanese electronic gambling, it is necessary to change the law. However, how can we change the law? And more importantly, which aspects of the law should be changed? Currently, demanding for a complete ban of pachinko would be a strong, but highly irrealistic answer, considering the huge financial and political influence of pachinko industry.

We can not ignore the huge network of powers that support electronic gambling industry in Japan. In order to provide an effective and possible proposal, in order to understand what has to be changed and how, first of all we need to examine the other significant actors that participate in Japanese electronic gambling and that contribute to the development of addicted subjects.

We will illustrate the relationship between particular urban designs and addiction to electronic gambling. In the first part of chapter, after a historical introduction on the topic, we will examine the diffusion of pachinko halls in contemporary Japan. The second part of the chapter will focus on location. We will investigate how pachinko halls interact with other actors, such as shopping facilities, means of transportation, and human residents, in three specific urban environments in the cities of Izumi, Kyoto and Tokyo. Our analysis will highlight the marketing strategies that lie behind the location of pachinko halls.

At the same time, drawing on a field research we will also briefly examine a movement of resistance that has emerged in a residential area of Kyoto, where since a group of citizens has been opposing to the construction of a new pachinko hall. In the third part of the chapter we will examine the exterior design of pachinko halls.

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We will illustrate the influence of the architectonic concept of postmodernism and of themed architecture on the aesthetic of pachinko halls. Before beginning our analysis, we should remark the mediating role that urban environment plays in our perception of reality, by making a short reference to the movie They Live , dir. The obscene ideological message becomes explicit. He puts on the glasses and then he looks again. Short after, the protagonist looks at a second billboard. Glasses off, he sees a typical summer resort advertisement: Glasses on, the picture and the text on the billboard fade away.

The obscene injunction appears: The Real is the world of pure signifiers. It is fundamentally a void constituted of pure materiality, which therefore can never be accessed by a subject. The Symbolic is the hidden chain of superego injunctions which structure our perception of reality. Urban spaces have always been shaped by a net of institutions and by a set of laws. Every road, every building, every written message is expression of a network of rules and forces.

Every element of the urban space includes a hidden injunction, which we do not recognise, but which controls our vision of reality and our behavior. We can already notice a first ideological injunction: It is hidden because it mostly works at the symbolical level and not at a conscious one. And it is ideological, since private property is not something which exists per se. Private property has a meaning and exists only in specific ideological contexts.

As already mentioned a non ideological reality can not be accessed. It is not a matter of taking off the lenses which are filtering our glance. Rather, we need to do the opposite. We need a new filter, a critical one -by the way, such a critical filter is as ideological as the previous one. As the city has been built up by citizens, the city itself is now building its own citizens. Urban spaces are not neutral entities. We live in environments which continuously stimulate and manipulate our thinking.

Architectures, locations, lights, sounds etc. Subjectivity is constantly mediated by material -not just semiotic- relations within the city. Citizens are determined by a metropolitan network of invisible powers. These forces guide us and make us act in certain ways. We only need to realise it. When they woke up, they were already in front of a gambling machine. Some of these stories I have heard were told by people who, at that time of such experience, had already been diagnosed with gambling disorder.

Despite being perfectly aware of their problematical behavior toward gambling, many extreme pachinko players can not bear the need to play as they bump into a pachinko hall. They are aware they should not get inside and play. They are in economic troubles and they might have been explicitly warned by their families not to play. Nonetheless, coming across a pachinko hall, they happen to get inside as if they could not refrain.

An indebted player whose apartment is situated right in front of a pachinko hall wrote on a web forum: But then the next day I end up walking toward the hall to spend all my salary. But whenever I have some money in my wallet I end up in a pachinko hall anyway. Ironically, such a pressure is supposed to encourage players to stop. Apparently there is some other kind of force or pressure at work. Something else 47 My translation. Something which goes beyond the idea of society as a collectivity of solely humans: Getting off the train and walking out of one of the many train stations in a Japanese city, players are suddenly surrounded by a massive set of injunctions.

Among these injunctions one is especially effective: Of course such is a simplification, since relations of powers and forces can not be reduced to univocal injunctions or to linguistic acts. Players subjectivity is mediated by heterogeneous actors. It is about our mind, our bodies and our organs as it is about the environment in which they move. Urban design has undeniably an active role, stimulating players and driving them toward the gambling machines.

Thus, even outside the pachinko hall players are constantly assailed by sensorial stimuli. Broadly speaking, we constantly interact with the city and the city interacts with us. Spaces, objects and architectures are projected to make people do something, to guide them. Programs of action are inscribed wherever we look. Private companies -but also public institutions- deploy specific designs to control specific segments of the population. Different goals might guide this process of delegation. One of the most crucial aim -at least among private companies- is to increase the profit.

A brand message which most of the television viewers in Japan knows, since it is incessantly repeated by a song in many adverts of the company. And this aspect participate to what we use to call marketing. A frame from T Figure 2. Outside Takadanobaba Station, in Shinjuku, the signboard of Espace pachinko hall stands higher than anything else at the center of the image.

The first one starts in the late s and ends in the late s. At that time pachinko machines had not yet known any kind of computerization. It is an era of intense economic development in Japan, and among the many expanding businesses there is pachinko. In there were 4, halls. Just a year later, in , halls were 8, Sugiyama By they had exceed 40, An incredible expansion which, besides the economic growth of the country, was mainly due to several technological advancements that had been introduced into pachinko machines. The introduction of an automatic handle to fire balls in repetition see chapter 4 strongly increased the sense of thrill produced by the game, making pachinko more and more popular.

In pachinko business reached its peak. There were 45, halls in Japan. Pachinko was literally everywhere. However, that same year new legal regulations were introduced due to the growing concern over the addictive effects of the game. Specifically the automatic handle was prohibited and this ban caused a huge contraction of pachinko hall market: According to Han the second era of modern pachinko starts in and ends in the early s.

During this period there is no noticeable increase or decrease in the number of Japanese pachinko-halls. Nevertheless, it was not a period of steadiness for pachinko: In these years the average number of pachinko machines per hall has more than doubled Han The third period starts in the early s: New pachinko machines were developed and pachi-slot machines were introduced to Japanese market.

In few year pachinko and pachi-slot get extremely popular. By the overall number of pachinko halls in Japan had exceeded 17,, an impressive figure, which would then slowly decline. A massive drop in customers in fact occurred in the early s. Since many small pachinko halls -especially in the countryside- went bankrupt and had to close.

However, this decline is not only the consequence of a contraction of gambling market. Another vector has been shaping pachinko industry over the last two decades: Currently a small number of very developed companies is holding a large share of pachinko hall market. Big gambling corporations have emerged in the recent years. These corporations have been growing quickly, and they now hold and manage tens of halls.

There are less halls, but bigger, more technologically developed, and in the hands of fewer people. Rationalization and expansion of large chain store corporations at the expense of small-medium size businesses, is certainly not a trend unique to Japanese electronic gambling.

Rather, this is a pattern which has emerged also in many other sectors, and which has occurred in most of the developed countries. Chain stores have been growing for different reasons: Thirdly, big corporations can achieve stronger political connections. As a consequence of these advantages, smaller competitors get outdistanced. On the one hand big corporations keep on growing, and on the other, smaller companies do not survive. In regard to this specific issue, there is no radical difference between pachinko and many other businesses. Maruhan and Dynam, the two leading companies in pachinko hall business, hold more than pachinko halls.

Along with the systematization and the decreased diffusion of pachinko halls, another fundamental change has occurred in the last 20 years: The physical dimension of buildings have widely increased. An undisputable growth, which is further evident in the newest halls. This phenomenon has influenced also the exterior appearance of pachinko halls, which have become bigger and more visible than ever figure 2. Currently, Japan is by far the country with the highest rate of EGMs per capita.

In few other regions electronic gambling has become so widespread.

To give a second example, while in the United States there are 1, casino, in Japan there are more than 11, pachinko halls. In Japan few other economic sectors have such a widespread net of stores all over the country. There are more pachinko halls than family restaurants or home centers. For instance, statistically we are supposed to find a pachinko hall approximately every 5. There is no region and no province in Japan without pachinko halls. They are basically everywhere.

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Except a tiny minority of people living on small islands, most of Japanese citizens can easily reach a pachinko hall by car, by train, by bicycle or even just walking. There is in average one pachinko hall every 10, Japanese citizens. The diffusion of pachinko halls largely varies across Japan.

However, this figure gets 50 In Italy electronic gambling facilities are actually more widespread than Japan. The geography of electronic gambling in these two countries is rather different: Kagoshima is the region with the highest rate of pachinko halls per citizens, with A very high rate if we consider the extremely high population density of the city. From the perspective of gambling corporations, the development of a widespread net of gambling facilities is a significant step toward the expansion of gambling market. However, from the point of view of problem gamblers we get a very different picture.

And this integration is a necessary condition to the emergence of gambling addiction. As we have noticed, from the perspective of gambling industry the most profitable customer is the addicted customer. Different marketing techniques are adopted to forge addicted subjects. But the first necessary step is to create an environment which let people be physically -or even virtually- entangled with gambling on a daily basis. This is a condition of possibility of the addiction. These three examples concern three different urban environments in which I have personally lived.

During my work on electronic gambling I have spent about two years and half in Japan, obtaining the status of resident in three different cities -Izumi, Tokyo and Kyoto. I will report my personal point of view, as well as the point of view of several other residents who have lived in these three areas.